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THE TUDOR
TRANSLATIONS

EDITED BY

W. E. HENLEY
XXXIX

MACHIAVELLI

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

HENRY C U S T. M. P.

VOLUME I

THE ART OF WAR

TRANSLATED HY

PETER WHITEHORNE

1560

THE PRINCE

TRANSLATED BY

EDWARD DACRES

LONDON

Published by DAVID NUTT

at the Sign of the Phoenix

LONG ACRE

1905

Edinburgh : T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty

TO MY FRIEND
CHARLES WHIBLEY

H. c.

INTRODUCTION

AM at my farm ; and, since my last mis-
' fortunes, have not been in Florence
' twenty days. I spent September in
' snaring thrushes ; but at the end of
' the month, even this rather tiresome
' sport failed me. I rise with the sun,
4 and go into a wood of mine that is

being cut, where I remain two hours inspecting the work The Life of
of the previous day and conversing with the woodcutters, a y
who have always some trouble on hand amongst them
selves or with their neighbours. When I leave the wood,
I go to a spring, and thence to the place which I use
for snaring birds, with a book under my arm — Dante or
Petrarch, or one of the minor poets, like Tibullus or Ovid.
I read the story of their passions, and let their loves remind
me of my own, which is a pleasant pastime for a while.
Next I take the road, enter the inn door, talk with the
passers-by, inquire the news of the neighbourhood, listen
to a variety of matters, and make note of the different
tastes and humours of men.

'This brings me to dinner-time, when I join my family
and eat the poor produce of my farm. After dinner I go
back to the inn, where I generally find the host and a
b ix

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- ' butcher, a miller, and a pair of bakers. With these com-

CTION t panjons i play the fool all day at cards or backgammon :

4 a thousand squabbles, a thousand insults and abusive

4 dialogues take place, while we haggle over a farthing,

4 and shout loud enough to be heard from San Casciano.

4 But when evening falls I go home and enter my writing-
6 room. On the threshold I put off my country habits,
4 filthy with mud and mire, and array myself in royal
4 courtly garments. Thus worthily attired, I make my
4 entrance into the ancient courts of the men of old, where
4 they receive me with love, and where I feed upon that
4 food which only is my own and for which I was born. I
4 feel no shame in conversing with them and asking them
4 the reason of their actions.

4 They, moved by their humanity, make answer. For four
4 hours1 space I feel no annoyance, forget all care ; poverty
— 4 cannot frighten, nor death appal me. I am carried away
4 to their society. And since Dante says 44 that there is no
~ 4 science unless we retain what we have learned" I have
4 set down what I have gained from their discourse, and
4 composed a treatise, De Prindpatibits, in which I enter
• as deeply as I can into the science of the subject, with
4 reasonings on the nature of principality, its several species,
4 and how they are acquired, how maintained, how lost. If
k you ever liked any of my scribblings, this ought to suit
4 your taste. To a prince, and especially to a new prince,
4 it ought to prove acceptable. Therefore I am dedicating
4 it to the Magnificence of Giuliano.1

Niccolo Such is the account that Niccolo Machiavelli renders

Machiavel]i_0f himself when after imprisonment, torture, and disgrace,

MACHIAVELLI

at the age of forty-four, he first turned to serious writing. INTRO- )-

For the first twenty-six or indeed twenty-nine of those AUCTION >N

years we have not one line from his pen or one word

of vaguest information about him. Throughout all his

works written for publication, there is little news about

himself. Montaigne could properly write, ' Ainsi, lecteur, je

4 suis moy-mesme la matiere de mon livre." But the matter

of Machiavelli was far other : 4 lo ho espresso quanto io so,

' e quanto io ho imparato per una lunga pratica e continua

4 lezione delle cose del mondo.1

Machiavelli was born on the 3rd of May 1469. The The Man
period of his life almost exactly coincides with that of
Cardinal Wolsey. He came of the old and noble Tuscan
stock of Montespertoli, who were men of their hands in the
eleventh century. He carried their coat, but the property
had been wasted and divided. His forefathers had held
office of high distinction, but had fallen away as the new
wealth of the bankers and traders increased in Florence.
He himself inherited a small property in San Casciano and
its neighbourhood, which assured him a sufficient, if some- it

what lean, independence. Of his education we know little
enough. He was well acquainted with Latin, and knew,—
perhaps, Greek enough to serve his turn. 4 Rather not-
' without letters than lettered,1 Varchi describes him. That

he was not loaded down with learned reading proved

probably a great advantage. The coming of the French, -
and the expulsion of the Medici, the proclamation of the
Republic (1494), and later the burning of Savonarola
convulsed Florence and threw open many public offices. It Fall

has been suggested, but without much foundation, that
some clerical work was found for Machiavelli in 1494 or

xi

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- even earlier. It is certain that on July 14, 1498, he was
DUCTION app0inte(i Chancellor and Secretary to the Dieci di Liberta
e Pace, an office which he held till the close of his political
life at fall of the Republic in 1512.

Official Life The functions of his Council were extremely varied, and
in the hands of their Secretary became yet more diversified.
They represented in some sense the Ministry for Home,
Military, and especially for Foreign Affairs. It is impos
sible to give any full account of Machiavelli's official duties.
He wrote many thousands of despatches and official letters,
which are still preserved. He was on constant errands
- of State through the Florentine dominions. But his
diplomatic missions and what he learned by them make
the main interest of his office. His first adventure of
importance was to the Court of Caterina Sforza, the Lady
of Forli, in which matter that astute Countess entirely
bested the teacher of all diplomatists to be. In 1500 he
smelt powder at the siege at Pisa, and was sent to France
to allay the irritations of Louis XIT. Many similar and
lesser missions follow. The results are in no case of great
importance, but the opportunities to the Secretary of learn-
— ing men and things, intrigue and policy, the Court and the
gutter were invaluable. At the camp of Caesar Borgia, in
1502, he found in his host that fantastic hero whom he
incarnated in The Prince, and he was practically an eye
witness of the amazing masterpiece, the Massacre of
Sinigaglia. The next year he is sent to Rome with a
watching brief at the election of Julius n., and in 1506 is
again sent to negotiate with the Pope. An embassy to the
Emperor Maximilian, a second mission to the French King
at Blois, in which he persuades Louis xii. to postpone the
xii

MACHIAVELLI

threatened General Council of the Church (1511), and INTRO
constant expeditions to report upon and set in order
unrestful towns and provinces did not fulfil his activity.
His pen was never idle. Reports, despatches, elaborate
monographs on France, Germany, or wherever he might
be, and personal letters innumerable, and even yet unpub
lished, ceased not night nor day. Detail, wit, character- -
drawing, satire, sorrow, bitterness, all take their turn. —
But this was only a fraction of his work. By duty and
by expediency he was bound to follow closely the internal —
politics of Florence where his enemies and rivals abounded.—
And in all these years he was pushing forward and carrying
through with unceasing and unspeakable vigour the great
military dream of his life, the foundation of a National-
Militia and the extinction of Mercenary Companies. But -
the fabric he had fancied and thought to have built proved
unsubstantial. The spoilt half-mutinous levies whom he
had spent years in odious and unwilling training failed him""
at the crowning moment in strength and spirit : and the
fall of the Republic implied the fall of Machiavelli and the His Defeat
close of his official life. He struggled hard to save himself,
but the wealthy classes were against him, perhaps afraid of
him, and on them the Medici relied. For a year he was
forbidden to leave Florentine territory, and for a while was
excluded from the Palazzo. Later his name was found in
a list of Anti-Medicean conspirators. He was arrested and
decorously tortured with six turns of the rack, and then
liberated for want of evidence.

For perhaps a year after his release the Secretary engaged After his Fall
in a series of tortuous intrigues to gain the favour of the
Medici. Many of the stories may be exaggerated, but none

xiii

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- make pleasant reading, and nothing proved successful. His

— position was miserable. Temporarily crippled by torture,
out of favour with the Government, shunned by his friends,

_ in deep poverty, burdened with debt and with a wife and

^-four children, his material circumstances were ill enough.

^But, worse still, he was idle. He had deserved well of the

Republic, and had never despaired of it, and this was his

reward. He seemed to himself a broken man. He had no

great natural dignity, no great moral strength. He pro-

— foundry loved and admired Dante, but he could not for one
— .moment imitate him. He sought satisfaction in sensuality
^of life and writing, but found no comfort. Great things

were stirring in the world and he had neither part nor lot
in them. By great good fortune he began a correspondence
with his friend Francesco Vettori, the Medicean Ambassador
at Rome, to whom he appeals for his good offices ; c And if
' nothing can be done, I must live as I came into the world,

- ' for I was born poor and learnt to want before learning to

•- ' enjoy." Before long these two diplomats had co-opted
themselves into a kind of Secret Cabinet of Europe. It is
a strange but profoundly interesting correspondence, both
politically and personally. Nothing is too great or too

— small, too glorious or too mean for their pens. Amid
-foolish anecdotes and rather sordid love affairs the politics

~T)f Europe, and especially of Italy, are dissected and dis
cussed. Leo x. had now plunged into political intrigue.
Ferdinand of Spain was in difficulty. France had allied
herself witli Venice. The Swiss are the Ancient Romans,
and may conquer Italy. Then back again, or rather

— constant throughout, the love intrigues and the ' likely
-' wench hard-by who may help to pass our time/ But

xiv

MACHIAVELLI

through it all there is an ache at Machiavellfs heart, and I NT RO
OD a sudden he will break down, crying,

Pero se alcuna volta io rido e canto
Facciol, perche non ho se lion quest' uua
Via da sfo^are il mio augoscioso pianto.

Vettori promised much, but nothing came of it. By 1515
the correspondence died away, and the Ex-Secretary found
for himself at last the true pathway through his vale of
years.

The remainder of Machiavelli's life is bounded by his The true Life
books. He settled at his villa at San Cascio.no, where
he spent his day as he describes in the letter quoted at
the beginning of this essay. In 1518 he began to attend
the meetings of the Literary Club in the Orti Oricellarii,
and made new and remarkable friends. ' Era amato gran-
1 damente da loro . . . e della sua conversazione si dilet-
* tavano maravigliosamente, tenendo in prez/o grandissimo
" tutte Topere sue,1 which shows the personal authority -
he exercised. Occasionally he was employed by Florentine
-merchants to negotiate for them at Venice, Genoa, Lucca,
and other places. In 1519 Cardinal Medici deigned to
consult him as to the Government, and commissioned him
to write the History of Florence. But in the main he
wrote his books and lived the daily life we know. In 1525
he went to Home to present his History to Clement vn.,
and was sent on to Guicciardini. In 152(j he was busy
once more with military matters and the fortification
of Florence. On the ggncl of June 1527 he died at
Florence immediately after the establishment of the
second Republic. He had lived as a practising Christian,- -

xv

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- and so died, surrounded by his wife and family. Wild
DUCTIorL legends grew about his death, but have no foundation.
A peasant clod in San Casciano could not have made a
simpler end. He was buried in the family Chapel in Santa
Croce, and a monument was there at last erected with the
epitaph by Doctor Ferroni — ' Tanto nomini nullum par
' elogium.' The first edition of his complete works was
published in 1782, and was dedicated to Lord Cowper.
His What manner of man was Machiavelli at home and in

Character the market_place ? It is hard to say. There are doubtful
busts, the best, perhaps, that engraved in the 'Testina'
edition of 1550, so-called on account of the portrait. ' Of
4 middle height, slender figure, with sparkling eyes, dark
6 hair, rather a small head, a slightly aquiline nose, a
tightly closed mouth : all about him bore the impress of
a very acute observer and thinker, but not that of one
6 able to wield much influence over others.' Such is a
reconstruction of him by one best able to make one. ' In
4 his conversation,' says Varchi, ' Machiavelli was pleasant,
, ' serviceable to his friends, a friend of virtuous men, and,
' in a word, worthy to have received from Nature either
/ ' less genius or a better mind.' If not much above the

- moral standard of the day he was certainly riot below it.

— His habits were loose and his language lucid and licentious.
But there is no bad or even unkind act charged against

- him. To his honesty and good faith he very fairly claims
-* that his poverty bears witness. He was a kind, if uncertain,

— husband and a devoted father. His letters to his children

— are charming. Here is one written soon before his death
to his little son Guido. — ' Guido, my darling son, I received
' a letter of thine and was delighted with it, particularly

xvi

MACHIAVELLI

4 because you tell me of your full recovery, the best news INTRO

4 I could have. If God grants life to us both I expect to AU

* make a good man of you, only you must do your fair

4 share yourself.1 Guido is to stick to his books and

music, and if the family mule is too fractious, 4 Unbridle

' him, take off' the halter and turn him loose at Monte-

4 pulciano. The farm is large, the mule is small, so no

4 harm can come of it. Tell your mother, with my love,

' not to be nervous. I shall surely be home before any

4 trouble comes. Give a kiss to Baccina, Piero, and Totto :

4 I wish I knew his eyes were getting well. Be happy and

4 spend as little as you may. Christ have you in his

4 keeping/ — There is nothing exquisite or divinely delicate

in this letter, but there are many such, and they were not —

written by a bad man, any more than the answers they —

evoke were addressed to one. There is little more save of a

like character that is known of Machiavelli the man. But

to judge him and his work we must have some knowledge of

the world in which he was to move and have his being.

At the beginning of the sixteenth century Italy was State of
rotten to the core. In the close competition of great -v
•wickedness the Vicar of Christ easily carried off the palm,
and the Court of Alexander vi. was probably the wickedest
meeting-place of men that has ever existed upon earth.
No virtue, Christian or Pagan, was there to be found ;
little art that was not sensuous or sensual. It seemed as
if Bacchus and Venus and Priapus had come to their
own again, and yet Rome had not ceased to call herself
Christian.

4 Owing to the evil ensample of the Papal Court,"1 writes
c xvii

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- Machiavelli, 'Italy has lost all piety and all religion:
DUCTION t w}ience follow infinite troubles and disorders; for as
' religion implies all good, so its absence implies the
-'contrary. To the Church and priests of Rome we owe
' another even greater disaster which is the cause of her
6 ruin. I mean that the Church has maintained, and still
' maintains Italy divided.' The Papacy is too weak to
unite and rule, but strong enough to prevent others doing
so, and is always ready to call in the foreigner to crush all
Italians to the foreigner's profit, and Guicciardini, a high
Papal officer, commenting on this, adds, ' It would be im-
' possible to speak so ill of the Roman Court, but that more
4 abuse should not be merited, seeing it is an infamy, and
' example of all the shames and scandals of the world.1 The
lesser clergy, the monks, the nuns followed, with anxious
fidelity, the footsteps of their shepherds. There was hardly
a tonsure in Italy which covered more than thoughts and
hopes of lust and avarice. Religion and morals which
God had joined together, were set by man a thousand
leagues asunder. Yet religion still sat upon the alabaster
throne of Peter, and in the filthy straw of the meanest
Calabrian confessional. And still deeper remained a blind
SuperstitioiT~"devoted superstition. Vitellozxo Vitelli, as Machiavelli
tells us, while being strangled by Caesar Borgia's assassin,
implored his murderer to procure for him the absolution of
that murderer's father. Gianpaolo Baglioni, who reigned
by parricide and lived in incest, was severely blamed by the
Florentines for not killing Pope Julius n. when the latter
was his guest at Perugia. And when Gabrino Fondato,
the tyrant of Cremona, was on the scaffold, his only regret
was that when he had taken his guests, the Pope and
xviii

MACHIAVELLI

Emperor, to the top of the Cremona tower, four hundred INTIIO-
feet high, his nerve failed him and he did not push them DUCTION
both over. Upon this anarchy of religion, morals, and
conduct breathed suddenly the inspiring breath of Pagan The Pagan
antiquity which seemed to the Italian mind to find its Influ«nce
finest climax in tyrannicide. There is no better instance
than in the plot of the Pazzi at Florence. Francesco Pazzi
and Bernardo Bandini decided to kill Lorenzo and Giuliano
de"1 Medici in the cathedral at the moment of the elevation
of the Host. They naturally took the priest into their
confidence. They escorted Giuliano to the Duomo, laugh
ing, and talking, and playfully embraced him — to discover
if he wore armour under his clothes. Then they killed him
at the moment appointed.

Nor were there any hills from which salvation might
be looked for. Philosophy, poetry, science, expressed^
themselves in terms of materialism. Faith and hope —
are ever the last survivors in the life of a man or of a
nation. But in Italy these brave comforters were at their
latest breath. It is perhaps unfair to accept in full
the judgment of Northern travellers. The conditions,
training, needs of England and Germany were different.
In these countries courage was a necessity, and good faith
a paying policy. Subtlety could do little against a
two-handed sword in the hands of an angry or partially
intoxicated giant. Climate played its part as well as
culture, and the crude pleasures and vices of the North
seemed fully as loathsome to the refined Italian as did
the tortuous policy and the elaborate infamies of the
South to their rough invaders. Alone, perhaps, among
the nations of Europe the Italians had never understood

xix

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- or practised chivalry, save in such select and exotic
DUCTION scnoo]s as tne Casa Gioiosa under Vittorino da Feltre
at Mantua. The oath of Arthur's knights would have
seemed to them mere superfluity of silliness. Onore con
noted credit, reputation, and prowess. Virtu, which may
be roughly translated as mental ability combined with per
sonal daring, set the standard and ruled opinion. ' Honour
' in the North was subjective: Onore in Italy objective.1
— Individual liberty, indeed, was granted in full to all, at
— the individual's risk. The love of beauty curbed grossness
""" and added distinction. Fraud became an art and force a
^ science. There is liberty for all, but for the great ones
-*^there is licence. And when the day of trial comes, it is
the Churchmen and the Princes who can save neither
themselves nor man, nor thing that is theirs. To such
a world was Machiavelli born. To whom should he turn ?
To the People? To the Church? To the Princes and
Despots ? But hear him : —

6 There shall never be found any good mason, which will
4 beleeve to be able to make a faire image of a peece of
' marble ill hewed, but verye well of a rude peece. Our
' Italian Princes beleeved, before they tasted the blowes of
' the outlandish warre, that it should suffice a Prince to
' know by writinges, how to make a subtell aunswere, to
' write a goodly letter, to shewe in sayinges, and in woordes,
4 witte and promptenesse, to know how to canvas a fraude,
' to decke themselves with precious stones and gold, to
' sleepe and to eate with greater glory then other : To
' kepe many lascivious persons about them, to governe
' themselves with their subjects, covetously and proudely :
' To roote in idlenes, to give the degrees of the exercise of
xx

MACHIAVELLI

* warre, for good will, to dispise if any should have shewed INTRO-

' them any laudable waie, minding that their wordes should AUCTION

' bee aunswers of oracles : nor the sely wretches were not

1 aware that they prepared themselves to be a pray to

' whome so ever should assaulte them. Hereby grew then

4 in the thousand fowre hundred and nintie and fowre yere,

' the great feares, the sodaine flightes and the marvellous

' losses : and so three most mighty states which were in

* Italic, have bene dievers times sacked and destroyed. But
' that which is worse, is where those that remaine, continue
' in the very same errour, and liev in the verie same
' disorder and consider not, that those who in olde time
4 would keepe their states, caused to be done these thinges,
1 which of me hath beene reasoned, and that their studies
4 were, to prepare the body to diseases, and the minde not to
' feare perills. Whereby grewe that Caesar, Alexander, and
' all those men and excellent Princes in olde time, were the
' formost amongst the fighters, going armed on foote : and
' if they lost their state, they would loose their life, so that
' they lievd and died vertuously.1

Such was the clay that waited the moulding of the
potter's hand. ' Posterity, that high court of appeal,
' which is never tired of eulogising its own justice and

* discernment,' has recorded harsh sentence on the Floren
tine. It is better to-day to let him speak for himself.

The slender volume of The Prince has probably produced The Prince
wider discussion, more bitter controversy, more varied in
terpretations and a deeper influence than any book save
Holy Writ. Kings and statesmen, philosophers and theo
logians, monarchists and republicans have all and always

xxi

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- used or abused it for their purposes. Written in 1513, the
first year of Machiavelli's disgrace, concurrently with part
of the Discorsi, which contain the germs of it, the book

— represents the fulness of its author's thought and experi
ence. It was not till after Machiavelli's death, that it
was published in 1532, by order of Clement vn. Mean-
Awhile, however, in manuscript it had been widely read and
-.-favourably received.

Its purpose The mere motive of its creation and dedication has been
the theme of many volumes. Machiavelli was poor, was
idle, was out of favour, and therefore, though a Republican,

— wrote a devilish hand-book of tyranny to strengthen the
Medici and recover his position. Machiavelli, a loyal

*- Republican, wrote a primer of such fiendish principles as
might lure the Medici to their ruin. Machiavelli's one
-^-idea was to ruin the rich: Machiavelli's one idea was to
—oppress the poor : he was a Protestant, a Jesuit, an
~% Atheist : a Royalist and a Republican. And the book pub
lished by one Pope's express authority was utterly con
demned and forbidden, with all its author's works, by the
express command of another (1559). But before facing
the whirlwind of savage controversy which raged and
rages still about The Prince, it may be well to consider
shortly the book itself — consider it as a new book and
without prejudice. The purpose of its composition is
almost certainly to be found in the plain fact that
Machiavelli, a politician and a man of letters, wished
to write a book upon the subject which had been his
" — •> special study and lay nearest to his business and bosom.
To ensure prominence for such a book, to engage attention
and incidentally perhaps to obtain political employment
xxii

MACHIAVELLI

~ for himself, he dedicated it to Lorenzo de' Medici, the INTRO-
cxisting and accepted Chief of the State. But far and DUCTION
above such lighter motives stood the fact that he saw in
""Lorenzo the only man who might conceivably bring to
-—being the vast dream of patriotism which the writer had
imagined. The subject he proposed to himself was largely,
.—though not wholly, conditioned by the time and place

. -in which he lived. He wrote for his countrymen and

— he wrote for his own generation. He had heard with

his ears and seen with his eyes the alternate rending

anarchy and moaning paralysis of Italy. He had seen

what Agricola had long before been spared the sight of.

And what he saw, he saw not through a glass darkly

-or distorted, but in the whitest, driest light, without

flinching and face to face. 'We are much beholden,1

- writes Bacon, ' to Machiavelli and others that wrote what

~ ' men do, and not what they ought to do.1 He did not

despair of Italy, he did not despair even of Italian unity.

~ But he despaired of what he saw around him, and he

was willing at almost any price to end it. He recognised,

despite the nominal example of Venice, that a Republican

system was impossible, and that the small Principalities and

Free Cities were corrupt beyond hope of healing. £ strong

•—central unifying government was imperative, and at that

— day such government could only be vested in a single

— man. For it must ever be closely remembered, as will

be pointed out again, that throughout the book the

^••Prince is what would now be called the Government.

And then he saw with faithful prophecy, in the splendid

peroration of his hope, a hope deferred for near four

hundred years, he saw beyond the painful paths of blood

xxin

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- "*~and tyranny, a vision of deliverance and union. For at
DUCTION least it is plain that in all things Machiavelli was a

passionate patriot, and A mo la patria mia piu dell"1 anima

is found in one of the last of many thousand letters that
\ his untiring pen had written.

— The purpose, then, of The Prince is to lay down rules,

| within the possibilities of the time, for the making of a

-4- man who shall create, increase, and maintain a strong

-•"and stable government. This is done in the main by

— a plain presentation of facts, a presentation condensed
—and critical but based on men and things as they actually

were. The ethical side is wholly omitted : the social
~ and economical almost entirely. The aspect is purely
•^ political, with the underlying thought, it may be sup-

— posed, that under the postulated government, all else
—will prosper.

The Book " Machiavelli opens by discussing the various forms

— -of governments, which he divides into Republics and

Principalities. Of the latter some may be hereditary

and some acquired. Of hereditary states he says little

and quotes but one, the Duchy of Ferrara. He then

turns to his true subject, the acquisition and preserva-

New States tion of States wholly new or new in part, States such

as he saw himself on every side around him. Having

— * gained possession of a new State, he says, you must first

— extirpate the family of your predecessor. You should
then either reside or plant colonies, but not trust to
garrisons. ' Colonies are not costly to the Prince, are
4 more faithful and cause less offence to the subject
' States: those whom they may injure being poor and
' scattered, are prevented from doing mischief. For it

xxiv

MACHIAVELLI

' should be observed that meji^ought either to be caressed INTRO-
— ' or trampled out, seeing that small injuries may be DLfCTION
- ' avenged, whereas great ones destroy the possibility of
-' retaliation: and so the damage that has to be inflicted
' ought to be such that it need involve no fear of reprisals,;}
There is perhaps in all Machiavelli no better example of His Method
—his lucid scientific method than this passage. There is

- neither excuse nprjiypocrisj. It^ is merely a matter of
^-business calculation. Mankind fs the raw material, the
-^ State is the finished work. Further you are to conciliate
-your neighbours who are weak and abase the strong,
^and you must not let the stranger within your gates.

Above all look before as well as after and think not to
leave it to time, godere li benefid del tempo, but, as did
the llomans, strike and strike at once. For illustration
he criticises, in a final and damning analysis, the career
of Louis xii. in Italy. There was no canon of statecraft

- so absolute that the King did not ignore it, and in in-
- evitable Nemesis, there was no ultimate disaster so crown-
"~ ing as not to be achieved.

After observing that a feudal monarchy is much less Conquests

easy of conquest than a despotism, since in the one case

you must vanquish many lesser lordships while in the

other you merely replace slaves by slaves, Machiavelli

considers the best method of subjugating Free Cities.

-Here again is eminent the terrible composure and the

— exact truth of his politics. A conquered Free City you

may of course rule in person, or you may construct an

V oli£arcny to g°vcrn for you, but the only safe way is to

'^destroy it utterly, since 'that name of Liberty, those

' ancient usages of Freedom,1 are things * which no length

d

xxv

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO-~ ' of years and no benefits can extinguish in the nation's
DUCT I ON < mincl5 things which no pains or forethought can uproot
' unless the citizens be utterly destroyed.''

Hitherto the discussion has ranged round the material

politics of the matter, the acquisition of material power.

Machiavelli now turns to the heart of his matter, the

-proper character and conduct of a new Prince in a new

Principality and the ways by which he shall deal most

^•fortunately with friend and foe. For fortune it is, as well

— - as ability, which go to the making of the man and the

"^maintenance of his power.

Caesar Borgia In the manner of the day Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, and

Theseus are led across the stage in illustration. The

common attribute of all such fortunate masters of men was

— forcfi-o'rraTmsr, r^rrrh? the mMoiTof an unarmed prophet

such— as Savonarola was foredoomed to failure. In such

- politics -Machiavelli is positive and ruthless : force is and

— must be the remedy~ancT the last appeal, a principle which
indeed no later generation has in practice set at naught.
But in the hard dry eyes of the Florentine Secretary stood,
above all others, one shining figure, a figure to all other
eyes, from then till now, wrapped in mysterious and mias
matic cloud. In the pages of common history he was a

— -tyrant, he was vicious beyond compare, he was cruel beyond

— the Inquisition, he was false beyond the Father of Lies, he
— was the Antichrist of Rome and he was a failure : but
— he was the hero of Niccolo Machiavelli, who, indeed,
—found in Caesar Borgia the fine flower of Italian politics

- in the Age of the Despots. Son of the Pope, a Prince of

— the Church, a Duke of France, a master of events, a,
—born soldier, diplomatist, and more than half a states-

xxvi

MACHIAVELLI

man, Caesar seemed indeed the darling of gods and men — '1NTRO-

whom original fortune had crowned with inborn ability,— £)

Machiavelli knew him as well as it was possible to know

a soul so tortuous and secret, and he had been present —

at the most critical and terrible moments of Caesar's life. -

That in despite of a life which the world calls infamous, %

in despite of the howling execrations of all Christendom, /

in despite of ultimate and entire failures, Machiavelli could I

still write years after, 'I know not what lessons I could \

4 teach a new Prince more useful than the example of his

' actions,1 exhibits the ineffaceable impressions that Caesar

Borgia had made upon the most subtle and observant mind

of modern history.

Caesar was the acknowledged son of Pope Alexander by Caesar's
his acknowledged mistress Vannozza dei Cattani. Born
in 1472, he was an Archbishop and a Cardinal at sixteen,
and the murderer of his elder brother at an age when
modern youths are at college. He played his part to the
full in the unspeakable scandals of the Vatican, but already —
c he spoke little and people feared him.' Ere long the —
splendours of the Papacy seemed too remote and uncertain
for his fierce ambition, and, indeed, through his father,
he already wielded both the temporal and the spiritual
arms of Peter. To the subtlety of the Italian his Spanish
blood had lent a certain stern rasolution, and as with "
Julius and Sulla the lust for sloth and sensuality were —
quickened by the lust for sway. He unfrocked himself
with pleasure. He commenced politician, soldier, and-^-

despot. And for the five years preceding Alexander's

death he may almost be looked upon as a power in
Europe. Invested Duke of Homagna, that hot-bed of

xxvii

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- — petty tyranny and tumult, he repressed disorder through

•UCTION j-^g governor Messer Ramiro with a relentless hand. When

order reigned, Machiavelli tells us he walked out one

morning into the market-place at Cesena and saw the

body of Ramiro, who had borne the odium of reform,

lying in two pieces with his head on a lance, and a

bloody axe by his side. Caesar reaped the harvest of

•~ Ramiro's severity, and the people recognising his bene-

-^-volence and justice were 'astounded and satisfied.1

But the gaze of the Borgia was not bounded by the

strait limits of a mere Italian Duchy. Whether indeed

-there mingled with personal ambition an ideal of a united

— Italy, swept clean of the barbarians, it is hard to say,
though Machiavelli would have us believe it. What is
certain is that he desired the supreme dominion in Italy
for himself, and to win it spared neither force nor fraud
nor the help of the very barbarians themselves. With a
decree of divorce and a Cardinal's hat he gained the

— support of France, the French Duchy of Valentinois, and
-^the sister of the King of Navarre to wife. By largesse of

-bribery and hollow promises he brought to his side the

great families of Rome, his natural enemies, and the great
Condottieri with their men-at-arms. When by their aid
he had established and extended his government he mis-

— trusted their good faith. With an infinity of fascination

— and cunning, without haste and without rest, he lured
-~these leaders, almost more cunning than himself, to visit
^him as friends in his fortress of Sinigaglia. 'I doubt if

' they will be alive to-morrow morning," wrote Machiavelli,
who was on the spot. He was right. Caesar caused them
to be strangled the same night, while his father dealt
xxviii

MACHIAVELLI

equal measure to their colleagues and adherents in Rome. INTRO-
Thenceforth, distrusting mercenaries, he found and dis*— DUCTION
ciplined, out of a mere rabble, a devoted army of his own,— -
and having unobtrusively but completely extirpated the
whole families of those whose thrones he had usurped, not
only the present but the future seemed assured to him.

He had fulfilled the first of Machiavelli's four conditions.
He rapidly achieved the remaining three. He bought the
Roman nobles « so as to be able to put a bridle in the new
c Pope's mouth.1 He bought or poisoned or packed or
terrorised the existing College of Cardinals and selected
new Princes of the Church who should accept a Pontiff
of his choosing. He was effectively strong enough to resist
the first onset upon him at his father's death. Five years
had been enough for so great an undertaking. One thing
alone he had not and indeed could not have foreseen. * He
1 told me himself on the day on which (Pope) Julius was
1 created, that he had foreseen and provided for everything
1 else that could happen on his father's death, but had
1 never anticipated that, when his father died, he too
1 should have been at death's door.' Even so the fame
and splendour of his name for a while maintained his
authority against his unnumbered enemies. But soon the
great betrayer was betrayed. 'It is well to cheat those
' who have been masters of treachery,' he had said himself
in his hours of brief authority. His wheel had turned full
cycle. Within three years his fate, like that of Charles xn.,
was destined to a foreign strand, a petty fortress, and a
dubious hand. Given over to Spain he passed three years
obscurely. * He was struck down in a fight at Vianii in
' Navarre (1507) after a furious resistance : he was stripped

XXIX

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- < of his fine armour by men who did not know his name
CTION 4 or quauty ancj his |)ociy was jeft naked on the bare

•—•* ground, bloody and riddled with wounds. He was only
— - thirty-one.' And so the star of Machiavelli's hopes and
dreams was quenched for a season in the clouds from which
it came.

The Lesson It seems worth while to sketch the strange tem
pestuous career of Caesar Borgia because in the remaining
chapters of The Prince and elsewhere in his writings, it
is the thought and memory of Valentinois, transmuted
doubtless and idealised by the lapse of years, that largely
inform and inspire the perfect Prince of Machiavelli. But
_it must not be supposed that in life or in mind they were

— intimate or even sympathetic. Machiavelli criticises his

— hero liberally and even harshly. But for the work he
wanted done he had found no better craftsman and no

- better example to follow for those that might come after.
Morals and religion did not touch the purpose of his

-— arguments except as affecting policy. In policy virtues

- may be admitted as useful agents and in the chapter
following that on Caesar, entitled, curiously enough, ' Of
' those who by their crimes come to be Princes,1 he

-— lays down that ' to slaughter fellow citizens, to betray
— * friends, to be devoid of honour, pity and religion cannot
— * be counted as merits, for these are means which may lead
-— c to power but which confer no glory/ Cruelty he would

— employ without hesitation but with the greatest care

— both in degree and in kind. It should be immediate and
-— complete and leave no possibility of counter-revenge. For

it is never forgotten by the living, and ' he deceives himself
' who believes that, with the great, recent benefits cause old

XXX

MACHIAVELLI

4 wrongs to be forgotten.1 On the other hand 'Benefits— INTRO-
' should be conferred little by little so that they may be-DUCTION
' more fully relished.1 The cruelty proper to a Prince
(Government, for as ever they are identical) aims only at
authority. Now authority must spring from love or fear. —
It were best to combine both motives to obedience but you*-"
cannot. TheJPrince must remember that men are fickle,"*"
and love at their own pleasure, and that men are fearful —
and fear at the pleasure of the Prince. Let him therefore —
depend on what is of himself, not on that which is of
others. 4 Yet if he win not love he may escape hate, and
4 so it will be if he does not meddle with the property or ~
4 women-folk of his subjects/ When he must punish let "
• him kill. ' For men will sooner forget the death of their —
4 father than the loss of their estate.1 And moreover you —
cannot always go on killing, but a Prince who has once set —
himself to plundering will never stop. This is the more -

needful because the only secure foundation of his rule lies -

in his trust of the people and in their support. And -
indeed again and again you shall find no more thorough
democrat than this teacher of tyrants. ' The people own — -
4 better broader qualities, fidelities and passions than any __
4 Prince and have better cause to show for them.1 4 As for —
' prudence and stability, I say that a people is more stable, _-
4 more prudent, and of better judgment than a Prince.1 If
the people go wrong it is almost certainly the crime or —
negligence of the Prince which drives or leads them astray. —
4 Better far than anv number of fortresses is not to be
4 hated by your people.1 The support of the people and
a national militia make the essential strength of the Prince—
and of the State.

xxxi

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- The chapters on military organisation may be more con-
veniently considered in conjunction with The Art of War.
National It is enough at present to point out two or three observa
tions of Machiavelli which touch politics from the military
side. To his generation they were entirely novel, though

fere commonplace to-day. National strength means
itional stability and national greatness ; and this can
j achieved, and can only be achieved, by a national
my. The Condottiere system, born of sloth and luxury,
has proved its rottenness. Your hired general is either
a tyrant or a traitor, a bully or a coward. 4 In a word
' the armour of others is too wide or too strait for us :
6 it falls off us, or it weighs us down."1 And in a fine
— illustration he compares auxiliary troops to the armour of
- — Saul which David refused, preferring to fight Goliath
—-with his sling and stone.

Conduct of Having assured the external security of the State,

the Prince Machiavelli turns once more to the qualities and conduct

of the Prince. So closely packed are these concluding

chapters that it is almost impossible to compress them

further. The author at the outset states his purpose :

4 Since it is my object to write what shall be useful to

' whosoever understands it, it seems to me better to follow

— ' the practical truth of things rather than an imaginary

' view of them. For many Republics and Princedoms have

' been imagined that were never seen or known to exist

— * in reality. And the manner in which we live and in

— -' which we ought to live, are things so wide asunder that

' he who suits the one to betake himself to the other is

* more likely to destroy than to save himself.' Nothing

— that Machiavelli wrote is more sincere, analytic, positive

xxxii

MACHIAVELLI

and ruthless. He operates unflinchingly on an assured- I NTRO-
diagnosis. The hand never an instant falters, the knife DUCTION
is never blunt. He deals with what is, and not with what- -
ought to be. Should the Prince be all-virtuous, all-liberal,-
all-humane? Should his word be his bond for ever?
^ Should true reHgion be the master-passion of his life?
Machiavelli considers. The first duty of the Prince (or^.
Government) is to maintain the existence, stability, and —
prosperity of the State. I^o^y\alUhc world were perfect
so_should _the_Prince be perfect too. But such are not-
thF conditions of human~TI?e.~~An~Tdealising Prince must -
fall before a practising world. A Prince must learn in ?
self-defence how to be bad, but like Caesar Borgia, he I—
must be a great judge of occasion. And what evil he-
does must be deliberate, appropriate, and calculated, and -
done, not selfishly, but for the good of the State of which -
he is trustee. There is the power of Law and the power ^
of Force. The first is proper to men, the second to beasts.
And that is why Achilles was brought up by Cheiron the
Centaur that he might learn to use both natures. A
' r^erjinjust be half lion and half fox, a fox to discern the —
toils, a lion to drive off the wolves. Merciful, faithful,—
humane, religious, just, these he may be and above all-
should seem to be, nor should any word escape his lips—
to give the lie to his professions: and in fact he should -
not leave these qualities but when he must. He should,—
if possible, practise goodness, but under necessity should -
know how to pursue evil. lie should keep faith until-
occasion alter, or reason of state compel him to brcak-
his pledge. Above all he should profess and observe—
religion, 'because men in general judge rather by the eye -
e ••• *r^

XXXlll

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO-- * than by the hand, and every one can see but few can

DUCTION-^ touch; But none the less, must he learn (as did William

the Silent, Elizabeth of England, and Henry of Navarre)

""how to subordinate creed to policy when urgent need is

~~upon him. In a word, he must realise and face his own

— position, and the facts of mankind and of the world. If

— not veracious to his conscience, he must be veracious to

facts. He must not be Jmdjfor^badness1 sake, but seeing

- things as they are, must deal as he can to protect and
-•preserve the trust committed to his care. Fortune is still

a fickle jade, but at least the half our will is free, and if
we are bold we may master her yet. For Fortune is a

— woman who, to be kept under, must be beaten and roughly
handled, and we see that she is more ready to be mastered
by those who treat her so, than by those who are shy in
their wooing. And always, like a woman, she gives her

—favours to the young, because they are less scrupulous and

~~ fiercer and more audaciously command her to their will.

The Appeal And so at the last the sometime Secretary of the

Florentine Republic turns to the new Master of the

•"" Florentines in splendid exhortation. He points to no

— easy path. He proposes no mean ambition. He has said
already that ' double will that Prince's glory be, who has

/ 4 founded a new realm and fortified it and adorned it with
' ' good laws, good arms, good friends, and good examples.'
But there is more and better to be done. The great
— misery of men has ever made the great leaders of men.
But was Israel in Egypt, were the Persians, the Athenians
ever more enslaved, down-trodden, disunited, beaten, de
spoiled, mangled, overrun and desolate than is our Italy
-—to-day ? The barbarians must be hounded out, and Italy
xxxiv

MACHIAVELLI

be free and one. Now is the accepted time. All Italy is INTRO-
waiting and only seeks the man. To you the darling of^
Fortune and the Church this splendid task is given, to ~-
you and to the army of Italy and of Italians only. Arm
Italy and lead her. To you, the deliverer, what gates —
would be closed, what obedience refused ! What jealousies —
opposed, what homage denied. Love, courage, and fixed-*
fidelity await you, and under your standards shall the voice
of Petrarch be fulfilled :

Virtu contro al furore
1'rendera 1'arme e fia il combatter corto :

Che 1'antico valore
Negl' Italici cor non e ancor morto.

Such is The Prince of Machiavelli. The vision of its
breathless exhortation seemed then as but a landscape to —
a blind man's eye. But the passing of three hundred and
fifty years of the misery he wept for brought at the last,
almost in perfect exactness, the fulfilment of that impossible
prophecy.

There is no great book in the world of smaller compass^fhe Attack
than The Prince of Machiavelli. There is no book more
lucidly, directly, and plainly written. There is no book — •
that has aroused more vehement, venomous, and even
truculent controversy from the moment of its publication
until to-day. And it is asserted with great probability
that The Prince has had a more direct action upon real
life than any other book in the world, and a larger share
in breaking the chains and lighting the dark places of
the Middle Ages. It is a truism to say that Machiavellism —
existed before Machiavelli. The politics of Gian Gale&zzo —

XXXV

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- Visconti, of Louis xi. of France, of Ferdinand of Spain,

DUCTION of the papacVj Of Venice, might have been dictated by

— 'the author of The Prince. But Machiavelli was the first

— to observe, to compare, to diagnose, to analyse, and

to formulate their principles of government. The first to

—•establish, not a divorce, but rather a judicial separation

between _±h£.jnoj:als__of La juan and the morals of a, govern -

— nient. It is around the purpose and possible results of

4 such a separation in politics, ethics, and religion that the

-- storm has raged most fiercely. To follow the path of that

storm through near four centuries many volumes would

be needed, and it will be more convenient to deal with

the more general questions in summing up the influence

of Machiavelli as a whole. But the main lines and varying

fortunes of the long campaign may be indicated. During

the period of its manuscript circulation and for a few years

- after its publication The Prince was treated with favour or

- at worst with indifference, and the first mutterings were

- merely personal to the author. He was a scurvy knave and
~ turncoat with neither bowels nor conscience, almost negli-

- gible. But still men read him, and a change in conditions
brought a change in front. He had in The Prince, above all

The ChurcIT" in the Discorsi, accused the Church of having ruined Italy
and debauched the world. In view of the writer's growing
popularity, of the Reformation and the Pagan Renaissance,
such charges could no longer be lightly set aside. The
Churchmen opened the main attack. Amongst the leaders
was Cardinal Pole, to whom the practical precepts of The
Prince had been recommended in lieu of the dreams of
Plato, by Thomas Cromwell, the malleus monachorum of
Henry vm. The Catholic attack was purely theological, but
xxxvi

MACHIAVELLI

before long the Jesuits joined in the cry. Machiavelli was INTRO-
burnt in effigy at Ingoldstadt. He was subdoliis diaboll- 1)UCTION
carum cogitationumfabcr, and irrisor et atheos to boot. The
Pope himself gave commissions to unite against him, and—
his books were placed on the Index, together, it must be
admitted, with those of Boccaccio, Erasmus, and Savona
rola, so the company was goodly. But meanwhile, and
perhaps in consequence, editions and translations of The
Prince multiplied apace. The great figures of the world—
were absorbed by it. Charles v., his son, and his courticr«-*hc
studied the book. Catherine de Medici brought it to Politicians
France. A copy of The Prince was found on the murdered
bodies of Henry in. and Henry iv. Richelieu praised it.
Sextus v. analysed it in his own handwriting. It was read
at the English Court ; Bacon was steeped in it, and quotes
or alludes to it constantly. Hobbes and Harrington
studied it.

But now another change. So then, cried Innocent
Gentillet, the Huguenot, the book is a primer of I
despotism and Rome, and a grammar for bigots and I
tyrants. It doubtless is answerable for the Massacre of /
St. Bartholomew. The man is a chien \mpur. And in
answer to this new huntsman the whole Protestant pack
crashed in pursuit. Within fifty years of his death The
Prince and Machiavelli himself had become a legend and
a myth, a haunting, discomforting ghost that would not be
laid. Machiavellism had grown to be a case of conscience
both to Catholic and Protestant, to Theologian, Moralist,
and Philosopher. In Spain the author, damned in France
for his despotism and popery, was as freshly and freely
damned for his civil and religious toleration. In England

xxxvn

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- to the Cavaliers he was an Atheist, to the Roundheads a
Jesuit. Christina of Sweden annotated him with enthu
siasm. Frederick the Great published his Anti-Machiavel
brimming with indignation, though it is impossible not to
wonder what would have become of Prussia had not the
Prussian king so closely followed in practice the precepts of
the Florentine, above all perhaps, as Voltaire observed, in the
publication of the Anti-Machiavel itself. No doubt in the
eighteenth century, when monarchy was so firmly established
as not to need Machiavelli, kings and statesmen sought to
clear kingship of the supposed stain he had besmirched
them with. But their reading was as little as their mis
understanding was great, and the Florentine Secretary
remained the mysterious necromancer. It was left for
Rousseau to describe the book of this 4 honnete homme
' et bon citoyen ' as ' le livre des Republicans,1 and for
Napoleon """"Napoleon, the greatest of the author's followers if not dis
ciples, to draw inspiration and suggestion from his Floren
tine forerunner and to justify the murder of the Due
d'Enghien by a quotation from The Prince. ' Mais apres
' tout," he said, ' un homme d'Etat est-il fait pour etre
4 sensible ? N'est-ce pas un personnage — completement ex-
' centrique, toujours seul d'un cote, avec le monde de Tautre ? '
and again ' Jugez done s'il doit s'amuser a menager cer-
' taines convenances de sentiments si importantes pour le
4 commim des hommes? Peut-il considerer les liens du
' sang, les affections, les puerils managements de la societe ?
' Et dans la situation ou il se trouve, que d'actions separees
' de Tensemble et qu'on blame, quoiqu'elles doivent con-
' tribuer au grand rcuvre que tout le monde n'aper^oit pas ?
'. . . Malheureux que vous etes ! vous retiendrez vos eloges
xxxviii

MACHIAVELLI

4 parce que vous craindrez que le mouvement de cette INTRO-
4grande machine ne fasse sur vous Teffet de Gulliver, qui, AUCTION
4 lorsqu'il deplacait sa jambe, ecrasait les Lilliputiens. Ex-
4 hortez-vous, devancez le temps, agrandissez votre imagina-
4 tion, regardez de loin, et vous verrez que ces grands
4 personnages que vous croyez violents, cruels, que sais-je ?
4 nc sont que des politiques. Us se connaissent, se jtigent
4 mieux que vous, et, quand ils sont reellement habiles, ils
* savent se rendre maitres de leurs passions car ils vont
'jusqu'a en calculer les effcts.' Even in his carriage at
Waterloo was found a French translation of The Prince
profusely annotated.

But from the first the defence was neither idle nor weak. The Defence

The assault was on the morals of the man : the fortress

held for the ideas of the thinker. He does not treat of - .

morals, therefore he is immoral, cried the plaintiff. Has

he spoken truth or falsehood ? Is his word the truth and
will his truth prevail ? was the rejoinder. In Germany and
Italy especially and in France and England in less degree,
philosophers and critics have argued and written without
stint and without cease. As history has grown wider and-
more scientific so has the preponderance of opinion leaned -
to the Florentine's favour.

It would be impossible to recapitulate the arguments or
even to indicate the varying points of view. And indeed
the main hindrance in forming a just idea of The Prince is
the constant treatment of a single side of the book and
the preconceived intent of the critic. Bacon has already
been mentioned. Among later names are Hobbes, Spinoza,
Leibnitz. Herder gives qualified approval, while Fichte
frankly throws down the glove as The Prince^ champion.

XXXIX

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- 'Da man weiss dass politische Machtfragen nie, am

DUCTION < vvenigsten in einem verderbten Volke, mit den Mitteln

6 der Moral zu losen sind, so 1st es unverstiindig das Buch

' von Fursten zu verschreien. Macchiavelli hatte einen

4 Herrscher zu schildern, keinen Klosterbruder.' The last

sentence may at least be accepted as a last word by

practical politicians. Ranke and Macaulay, and a host

of competent Germans and Italians have lent their thought

and pens to solve the riddle in the Florentine's favour.

And lastly^ the course of political events in Europe have

seemed to many the final justification of the teaching of

The Prince. The leaders of the Risorgimento thought that

they found in letters, ' writ with a stiletto,' not only the

inspirations of patriotism and the aspirations to unity,

but a sure and trusted guide to the achievement. Germany

recognised in the author a schoolmaster to lead them to

— unification, and a military instructor to teach them of an

Armed People. Half Europe snatched at the principle of

^ — Nationality. For in The Prince, Machiavelli not only

—begat ideas but fertilised the ideas of others, and whatever

the future estimation of the book may be, it stands, read

—or unread, as a most potent, if not as the dominant, factor

— in European politics for four hundred years.

Th&Discorsi The Discorsi, printed in Rome by Blado, 1537, are not
included in the present edition, as the first English transla
tion did not appear until 1680, when almost the entire
works of Machiavelli were published by an anonymous
translator in London. But some account and considera
tion of their contents is imperative to any review of the
Florentine's political thoughts. Such Discorsi and Relazioni
xl

MACHIAVELLI

were not uncommon at the time. The stronger and INTRO-
younger minds of the Renaissance wearied of discussing in Dl
the lovely gardens of the Rucellai the ideas of Plato or the
allegories of Plotinus. The politics of Aristotle had just
been intelligibly translated by Leonardo Bruni (1492). And
to-day the young ears and eyes of Florence were alert for
an impulse to action. They saw glimpses, in reopened
fields of history, of quarries long grown over where the ore
of positive politics lay hid. The men who came to-day to
the Orti Oricellarii were men versed in public affairs, men
of letters, historians, poets, living greatly in a great age,
with Raphael, Michael Angelo, Ariosto, Leonardo going up
and down amongst them. Machiavelli was now in fail-
favour with the Medici, and is described by Strozzi as
una persona per sorgere (a rising man). He was welcomed
into the group with enthusiasm, and there read and dis
cussed the Discorsi. Nominally mere considerations upon
the First Decade of Livy, they rapidly encircled all that
was known and thought of policy and state-craft, old and
living.

Written concurrently with The Prince, though completed Their Plan
later, the Disconti contain almost the whole of the
thoughts arid intents of the more famous book, but with
a slightly different application. ' The Prince traces the
4 progress of an ambitious man, the Discorsi the progress
' of an ambitious people,1 is an apt if inadequate criticism.
Machiavelli was not the first Italian who thought and wrote
upon the problems of his time. But he was the first who
discussed grave questions in modern language. He was the
first modern political writer who wrote of men and not of —
man, for the Prince himself is a collective individuality.

f xli

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- 'p~t This must be regarded as a general rule,' is ever in
Machiavelirs mouth, while Guicciardini finds no value in a
general rule, but only in ' long experience and worthy dis-
4 cretion.' The one treated of policy, the other of politics.
Guicciardini considered specifically by what methods to
control and arrange an existing Government./ Machiavelli
— - sought to create a science, which should show how to

— establish, maintain, and hinder the decline of states gene-

— rally conceived. Even Cavour counted the former as a
more practical guide in affairs. But Machiavelli was the

-— theorist of humanity in politics, not the observer only. He
distinguished the two orders of research. And, during
the Italian Renaissance such distinction was supremely
necessary. With a crumbled theology, a pagan Pope, amid
the wreck of laws and the confusion of social order, il suo
particolare and virtu, individuality and ability (energy,
political genius, prowess, vital force : virtu is impossible
to translate, and only does not mean virtue), were the
dominating and unrelenting factors of life. Niccolo
Machiavelli, unlike Montesquieu, agreed with Martin

— Luther that man was bad. It was for both the Witten-
berger and the Florentine, in their very separate ways, to
found the school and wield the scourge. In the naked and
unashamed candour of the time Guicciardini could say that
he loathed the Papacy and all its works. ' For all that,1 he
adds, ' the preferments I have enjoyed, have forced me for
' my private ends to set my heart upon papal greatness.
' Were it not for this consideration, I should love Martin
' Luther as my second self.' In the Discorsi, Machiavelli
bitterly arraigns the Church as having ' deprived Italians
' of religion and liberty.1 He utterly condemns Savonarola ;
xlii

MACHIAVELLI

yet he could love and learn from Dante, and might almost INTRO-
have said with Pym, ' The greatest liberty of the Kingdom DUCTI°N
4 is Religion. Thereby we are freed from spiritual evils,
' and no impositions are so grievous as those that are laid
4 upon the soul/

The Florentine postulates religion as an essential-Religion
element in a strong and stable State. Perhaps, with
Gibbon, he deemed it useful to the Magistrate. But his
science is impersonal. He will not tolerate a Church that
poaches on his political preserves. Good dogma makes bad
politics. It must not tamper with liberty or security.—--
And most certainly, with Dante, in the Paradiso, he would
either have transformed or omitted the third Beatitude,
that the Meek shall inherit the earth. With such a
temperament, Machiavelli must ever keep touch with
sanity. It was not for him as for Aristotle to imagine
what an ideal State should be, but rather to inquire what
States actually were and what they might actually become.- —
He seeks first and foremost ' the use that may be derived
' from history in politics"; not from its incidents but from —
its general principles. His darling model of a State is to—
be found where Dante found it, in the Roman Republic.
The memory and even the substance of Dante occur again
and again. But Dante's inspiration was spiritual : Machia-
vellfs frankly pagan, and with the latter Fortune takes
the place of God. Dante did not love the Papacy, but
Machiavelli, pointing out how even in ancient Rome
religion was politic or utilitarian, leads up to his famous
attack upon the Roman Church, to which he attributes—
all the shame and losses, political, social, moral, national,
that Italy has suffered at her hands. And now for the

xliii

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- first time the necessity for Italian Unity is laid plainly
down, and the Church and its temporal power denounced
as the central obstacles. In religion itself the Secretary
saw much merit. ' But when it is an absolute question

— ( of the welfare of our country, then justice or injustice,

— ' mercy or cruelty, praise or ignominy, must be set aside,
' and we must seek alone whatever course may preserve

•— £ the existence and liberty of the state.' Throughout the

Discorsi, Machiavelli in a looser and more expansive form,

suggests, discusses, or re-affirms the ideas of The Prince.

— -There is the same absence of judgment on the moral value

-* of individual conduct ; the same keen decision of its

Democracy —practical effect as a political act. But here more than

in The Prince, he deals with the action and conduct of

—the people. With his passion for personal and con
temporary incarnation he finds in the Swiss of his day
the Romans of Republican Rome, and reiterates the com
parison in detail. Feudalism, mercenaries, political associa
tions embodied in Arts^and Guilds, the Temporal power
of the Church, all these are put away, and in their stead
he announces the new and daring gospel that for organic

•~~unity subjects must be treated as equals and not as
inferiors. 'Trust the people 'is a maxim he repeats and
enforces again and again. And he does not shrink from,

"-but rather urges the corollary, ' Arm the people.' Indeed
it were no audacious paradox to state the ideal of
Machiavelli, though he nominally preferred a Republic, as
a Limited Monarchy, ruling over a Nation in Arms. No
doubt he sought, as was natural enough in his day, to

--construct the State from without rather than to guide

—and encourage its evolution from within. It seemed to
xliv

MACHIAVELLI

him that, in such an ocean of corruption, Force was a — INTRO-
remedy and Fraud no sluttish handmaid. 4 Vice n'est-ce pas,"1 DUCT1ON
writes Montaigne, of such violent acts of Government, ' car

* il a quitte sa raison a une plus universelle et puissante
4 raison.' Even so the Prince and the people could only
be justified by results. But the public life is of larger value—
than the private, and sometimes one man must be crucified—
for a thousand. Despite all prejudice and make-belief,—
such a rule and practice has obtained from the Assemblies
of Athens to the Parliaments of the twentieth century.
But Machiavclli first candidly imparted it to the unwilling
consciences and brains of men, and it is he who has been
the chosen scape-goat to carry the sins of the people. His
earnestness makes him belie his own precept to keep the
name and take away the thing. In this, as in a thousand
instances, he was not too darkly hidden ; he was too plain.

* Machiavelli,1 says one who studied the Florentine as hardly
another had done, 4 Machiavelli hat gesiindigt, aber noch
4 mehr 1st gegen ihn gesiindigt worden.1 Liberty is good,
but Unity is its only sure foundation. It is the way to the
Unity of Government and People that the thoughts both—
of The Prince and the Dlfscorsi lead, though the incidents
be so nakedly presented as to shock the timorous and vex
the prurient, the puritan, and the evil thinker. The people
must obey the State and fight and die for its salvation,—
and for the Prince the hatred of the subjects is never good,—
but their love, and the best way to gain it is by 'not —

* interrupting the subject in the quiet enjoyment of his
4 estate/ Even so bland and gentle a spirit as the poet
Gray cannot but comment, 4 1 rejoice when I see Machia-
4 velli defended or illustrated, who to me appears one

xlv

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- ' of the wisest men that any nation in any age hath
DOCTION . produced;

The Art of Throughout both The Prince and the Discorsi are con-

f""" stant allusions to, and often long discussions on, military
——affairs. The Army profoundly interested Machiavelli both
as a primary condition of national existence and stability,
and also, as he pondered upon the contrast between ancient
Rome and the Florence that he lived in, as a subject fascin
ating in itself. His Art of War was probably published in
1520. Before that date the Florentine Secretary had had
some personal touch both with the theory and practice of
war. As a responsible official in the camp before Pisa he
had seen both siege work and fighting. Having lost faith
in mercenary forces he made immense attempts to form
•--a National Militia, and was appointed Chancellor of the
Nove della Milizia. In Switzerland and the Tyrol he had
studied army questions. He planned with Pietro Navarro
the defence of Florence and Prato against Charles v. At
Verona and Mantua in 1509, he closely studied the famous
siege of Padua. From birth to death war and battles raged
all about him, and he had personal knowledge of the great
captains of the Age. Moreover, he saw in Italy troops of
every country, of every quality, in every stage of discipline,
in every manner of formation. His love of ancient Rome
led him naturally to the study of Livy and Vegetius, and
from them with regard to formations, to the relative values
of infantry and cavalry and other points of tactics, he drew or
deduced many conclusions which hold good to-day. Indeed
a German staff officer has written that in reading the
Florentine you think you are listening to a modern theorist
xlvi

MACHiAVELLI

of war. But for the theorist of those days a lion stood in INTRO-
the path. The art of war was not excepted from the quick DUCTION
and thorough transformation that all earthly and spiritual
things were undergoing. Gunpowder, long invented, was
being applied. Armour, that, since the beginning, had saved
both man and horse, had now lost the half of its virtue.
The walls of fortresses, impregnable for a thousand years,
became as matchwood ramparts. The mounted man-at-
arms was found with wonder to be no match for the
lightly-armoured but nimble foot-man. The Swiss were
seen to hold their own with ease against the knighthood
of Austria and Burgundy. The Free Companies lost in
value and prestige what they added to their corruption
and treachery. All these things grew clear to Machiavelli.
But his almost fatal misfortune was that he observed and
wrote in the mid-moment of the transition. He had no
faith in fire-arms, and as regards the portable fire-arms of
those days he was right. After the artillery work at
Kavenna, Novara, and Marignano it is argued that he
should have known better. But he was present at no
great battles, and pike, spear, and sword had been the
stable weapons of four thousand years. These were in
deed too simple to be largely modified, and the future
of mechanisms and explosives no prophet uninspired
could foresee. And indeed the armament and formation
of men were not the main intent of MachiavellTs thought.
His care in detail, especially in fortifications, of which.*-
he made a special study, in encampments, in plans, in —
calculations, is immense. Nothing is so trivial as to be^
left inexact.

But he centred his observation and imagination on

xlvii

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- —the origin, character, and discipline of an army in being.
CTION^-E[e pictures the horror, waste, and failure of a mer-
The New _ cenary SyStem, and lays down the fatal error in Italy
— of separating civil from military life, converting the
- — latter into a trade. In such a way the soldier grows
*~-to a beast, and the citizen to a coward. All this
must be changed. The basic idea of this astounding
Organisation Secretary is to form a National Army, furnished by con
scription and informed by the spirit of the New Model of
Cromwell. All able-bodied men between the ages of
seventeen and forty should be drilled on stated days
and be kept in constant readiness. Once or twice a
year each battalion must be mobilised and manreuvred
— as in time of war. The discipline must be constant and
— severe. The men must be not only robust and well-
trained, but, above all, virtuous, modest, and disposed to
any sacrifice for the public good. So imbued should they
"~~be with duty and lofty devotion to their country that
though they may rightly deceive the enemy, reward the
enemy's deserters and employ spies, yet ' an apple tree
6 laden with fruit might stand untouched in the midst of
4 their encampment.'1 The infantry should far exceed the
cavalry, 'since it is by infantry that battles are won.'
Secrecy, mobility, and familiarity with the country are to
be objects of special care, and positions should be chosen
from which advance is safer than retreat. In war this
-army must be led by one single leader, and, when peace
^-shines again, they must go back contented to their grateful
—fellow-countrymen and their wonted ways of living. The
conception and foundation of such a scheme, at such a
time, by such a man is indeed astounding. He broke with
xlviii

MACHIAVELLI

the past and with all contemporary organisations. He— INTRO-

forecast the future of military Europe, though his own ]

Italy was the last to win her redemption through his plans.

4 Taken all in all,1 says a German military writer, ' we may

' recognise Machiavelli in his inspired knowledge of the

4 principles of universal military discipline as a true —

' prophet, and as one of the weightiest thinkers in the

4 field of military construction and constitution. He

' penetrated the essence of military technique with a pre-

4 cision wholly aHen to his period, and it is, so to sav, a

• new psychological proof of the relationship between —
' the art of war and the art of statecraft, that the foundec__
; of Modern Politics is also the first of modern Military

4 Classics/

But woe to the Florentine Secretary with his thoughts
born centuries before their time. As in The Prince, so
in the Art of War, he closes with a passionate appeal of""
great sorrow and the smallest ray of hope. Where shall —
I hope to find the things that I have told of? What —
is Italy to-day ? What are the Italians ? Enervated,
impotent, vile. Wherefore, ' I lament mee of nature, the
4 which either ought not to have made mee a knower of
' this, or it ought to have given mee power, to have bene
4 able to have executed it : For now beeing olde, I cannot
1 hope to have any occasion, to be able so to doo : In con-
' sideration whereof, I have bene liberall with you who
' beeing grave young men, may (when the thinges said of
' me shall please you) at due times, in favoure of your

* Princes, helpe them and counsider them. Wherin I would
4 have you not to be afraied, or mistrustfull, because this
4 Province seemes to bee altogether given to raise up ug;iine

g xlix

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- ' the things deade, as is seene by the perfection that Poesie,
' painting, and writing, is now brought unto : Albeit, as
' much as is looked for of mee, beeing strooken in yeeres,
' I do mistrust. Where surely, if Fortune had heretofore
4 graunted mee so much state, as suffiseth for a like enter-
' prise, I would not have doubted, but in most short time,
' to have shewed to the world, how much the auncient
' orders availe : and without peradventure, either I would
' have increased it with glory, or lost it without shame.'1

The History — In 1520 Machiavelli was an ageing and disappointed
e «— man. He was not popular with any party, but the Medici
were willing to use him in minor matters if only to secure
his adherence. He was commissioned by Giulio de Medici
to write a history of Florence with an annual allowance
of 100 florins. In 1525 he completed his task and dedicated
the book to its begetter, Pope Clement vn.

In the History, as in much of his other work, Machiavelli

enriches the science of humanity with a new department.

— •' He was the first to contemplate the life of a nation in

" — ' its continuity, to trace the operation of political forces

*"* through successive generations, to contrast the action of

4 individuals with the evolution of causes over which they

' had but little control, and to bring the salient features

^ ' of the national biography into relief by the suppression

^' of comparatively unimportant details.' He found no

examples to follow, for Villani with all his merits was

of a different order. Diarists and chroniclers there were

in plenty, and works of the learned men led by Aretino,

written in Latin and mainly rhetorical. The great work

of Guicciardini was not published till years after the

1

MACHIAVELLI

Secretary's death. Machiavelli broke away from the INTRO-
Chronicle or any other existing form. He deliberately DUCTION
applied philosophy to the sequence of facts. He organised —
civil and political history. He originally intended to begin
his work at the year 1234, the year of the return of Cosimo
il Vecchio from exile and of the consolidation of Medicean
power on the ground that the earlier periods had been
covered by Aretino and Bracciolini. But he speedily
recognised that they told of nothing but external wars and
business while the heart of the history of Florence was
left unbared. The work was to do again in very different
manner, and in that manner he did it. Throughout he
maintains and insistently insinuates his unfailing explana
tion of the miseries of Italy ; the necessity of unity and the -
evils of the Papacy which prevents it. In this book dedi
cated to a Pope he scants nothing of his hatred of the Holy
See. For ever he is still seeking the one strong man in a
blatant land with almost absolute power to punish, pull —
down, and reconstruct on an abiding foundation, for to his
clear eyes it is ever the events that are born of the man,—
and not the man of the events. He was the first to observe-
that the Ghibellines were not only the Imperial party
but the party of the aristocrats and influential men, whereas
the Guelphs were the party not only of the Church but of
the people, and he traces the slow but increasing struggle
to the triumph of democracy in the Ordinamenti di Giusti/ia
(1293). But the triumph was not final. The Florentines
were 'unable to preserve liberty and could not tolerate
4 slavery/ So the fighting, banishments, bloodshed,
cruelty, injustice, began once more. The nobles were in
origin Germanic, he points out, the people Latin ; so that

li

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- a racial bitterness gave accent to their hate. But yet, he
^ adds impartially, when the crushed nobility were forced
to change their names and no longer dared be heard,
6 Florence was not only stripped of arms but likewise of
4 all generosity. ' It would be impossible to follow the
History in detail. The second, seventh and eighth books
are perhaps the most powerful and dramatic. Outside
affairs and lesser events are lightly touched. But no
stories in the world have been told with more intensity
than those of the conspiracies in the seventh and eighth
books, and none have given a more intimate and accurate
perception of the modes of thought and feeling at the time.
The History ends with the death of Lorenzo de Medici in
1492. Enough has been said of its breadth of scope
and originality of method. The spirit of clear flaming
patriotism, of undying hope that will not in the darkest
day despair, the plangent appeal to Italy for its own great
sake to rouse and live, all these are found pre-eminently
in the History as they are found wherever Machiavelli
speaks from the heart of his heart. Of the style a foreigner
may not speak. But those who are proper judges maintain
that in simplicity and lucidity, vigour, and power, soft
ness, elevation, and eloquence, the style of Machiavelli is
' divine,1 and remains, as that of Dante among the poets,
unchallenged and insuperable among all writers of Italian
prose.

Other Works \ Tnough Machiavelli must always stand as a political

thinker, an historian, and a military theorist it would

leave an insufficient idea of his mental activities were

there no short notice of his other literary works. With

Hi

MACHIAVELLI

his passion for incarnating his theories in a single person- INTRO-
ality, he wrote the Life of Castruccio Castracani, a politico-
military romance. His hero was a soldier of fortune born
at Lucca in 1281, and, playing with a free hand, Machia-
velli weaves a life of adventure and romance in which**
his constant ideas of war and politics run through and — »
across an almost imaginary tapestry. He seems to have —
intended to illustrate and to popularise his ideals and to
attain by a story the many whom his discourses could not
reach. In verse Machiavelli was fluent, pungent, and
prosaic. The unfinished Golden Ass is merely made of
paragraphs of the Discorsi twined into rhymes. And the
others are little better. Countless pamphlets, essays,
and descriptions may be searched without total waste
by the very curious and the very leisurely. The many
despatches and multitudinous private letters tell the story
both of his life and his mind. But the short but famous
Novella di Belfagor Arddiarolo is excellent in wit, satire,
and invention. As a playwright he wrote, among many
lesser efforts, one supreme comedy, Mandragola, which
Macaulay declares to be better than the best of Goldoni's
plays, and only less excellent than the very best of
Moliere's. Italian critics call it the finest play in Italian.
The plot is not for nursery reading, but there are tears and
laughter and pity and anger to furnish forth a copious
author, and it has been not ill observed that Mamlragola is
the comedy of a society of which The Prince is the tragedy. —

It has been said of the Italians of the Renaissance that The Knd
with so much of unfairness in their policy, there was an
extraordinary degree of fairness in their intellects. They

1m

MACHIAVELLI

INTRO- were as direct in thought as they were tortuous in action,

ON and could see no wickedness in deceiving a man whom

they intended to destroy. To such a charge — if charge

it be — Machiavelli would have willingly owned himself

answerable. He observed, in order to know, and he wished

"""""to use his knowledge for the advancement of good. To

*^him the means were indifferent, provided only that they

— -were always apt and moderate in accordance with necessity.

A surgeon has no room for sentiment : in such an operator

pity were a crime. It is his to examine, to probe, to

diagnose, flinching at no ulcer, sparing neither to himself

or to his patient. And if he may not act, he is to lay

down very clearly the reasons which led to his conclusions

and to state the mode by which life itself may be saved,

cost what amputation and agony it may. This was

Machiavelli's business, and he applied his eye, his brains,

~"and his knife with a relentless persistence, which, only

— because it was so faithful, was not called heroic. And we

know that he suffered in the doing of it and that his heart

was sore for his patient. But there was no other way.

His record is clear and shining. He has been accused of

— no treachery, of no evil action. His patriotism for Italy
as a fatherland, a dream undreamt by any other, never

„ — glowed more brightly than when Italy lay low in shame,

— and ruin, and despair. His faith never faltered, his spirit
never shrank. And the Italy that he saw, through dark
bursts of storm, broken and sinking, we see to-day riding
in the sunny haven where he would have her to be.

HENRY CUST.
liv

CONTENTS

I'AOE

THE ARTE OF WARRE . 1

THE PRINCE . 251

THE ARTE OF WARRE

WRITTEN FIRST IN ITALIAN BY

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

AND SET FO11THE IN ENGLISHE BY

PETER WHITEHORNE

STl'DIEN'T AT GKAIKS IXX'E

WITH AN ADDICION OF OTHER LIKE
MARCIALLE FEATES AND EXPERIMENTES

AS IN A TABLE

IN THE ENDE OF THE BOOKE

MAIE APPERE

1560

MenJ's. lultj.

TO THE MOSTE

HIGHE, AND EXCELLENT PRINCES,

ELIZABETH, by the Grace of God, Quene

of Englande, Fraunce, and Irelande,

defender of the faithe, and of the Churche

of Englande, and Irelande, on yearth

next under God, the supreme

Governour.

LTHOUGH commonlie every man,
moste worthie and renourned
Soveraine, seketh specially to
commend and extolle the thing,
whereunto he feleth hymself
naturally bent and inclined, yet
al soche parciallitie and private affection laid
aside, it is to bee thought (that for the defence,
maintenaunce, and advauncemente of a Kyng-
dome, or Common weale, or for the good and
due observacion of peace, and admin istracion of
Justice in the same) no one thinge to be more
profitable, necessarie, or more honourable, then
the knowledge of service in warre, and dedes of
armes; bicause consideryng the ambicion of the

THE ARTE OF WARRE

EPISTLE worlde, it is impossible for any realme or dominion,
TORIE " l°n£ to continue free in quietnesse and savegarde,
where the defence of the sweard is not alwaies
in a readinesse. For like as the Grekes, beyng
occupied aboute triflyng matters, takyng pleasure
in resityng of Comedies, and soche other vain
thinges, altogether neclecting Marciall feates,
gave occasion to Philip kyng of Macedonia, father
to Alexander the Great, to oppresse and to bring
theim in servitude, under his subjeccion, even so
undoubtedly, libertie will not be kepte, but men
shall be troden under foote, and brought to moste
horrible miserie and calamitie, if thei givyng
theim selves to pastymes and pleasure, forssake
the juste regarde of their owne defence, and
savegarde of their countrie, whiche in temporall
regimente, chiefly consisteth in warlike skilful-
nesse. And therefore the aunciente Capitaines
and mightie Conquerours, so longe as thei florished,
did devise with moste greate diligence, all maner
of waies, to bryng their men to the perfect know
ledge of what so ever thing appertained to the
warre : as manifestly appereth by the warlike
games, whiche in old time the Princes of Grecia
ordained, upon the mount Olimpus, and also
by thorders and exercises, that the aunciente
4

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELI,

Romaines used in sundrie places, and specially EPISTLE

DEDICA
TOR1E

in Campo Martio, and in tlieir wonderful sump

tuous Theaters, whiche chiefly thei builded to
that purpose. Whereby thei not onely made
their Souldiours so experte, that thei obtained
with a fewe, in faightyng againste a greate liouge
multitude of enemies, soche marvellous victories,
as in many credible Histories are mencioned, but
also by the same meanes, their unarmed and
rascalle people that followed their Campes, gotte
soche understandyng in the feates of warre, that
thei in the daie of battaile, beeyng lefte destitute
of succour, were able without any other help, to
set themselves in good order, for their defence
againste the enemie, that would seke to hurte
theim, and in soche daungerous times, have doen
their countrie so good service, that verie often
by their helpe, the adversaries have been put to
flight, and fieldes moste happely wone. So that
thantiquitie estemed nothing more happie in a
common weale, then to have in the same many
men skilfull in warlike affaires : by meanes whereof,
their Empire continually inlarged, and moste won
derfully and triumphantly prospered. For so
longe as men for their valiauntnesse, were then
rewarded and had in estimacion, glad was he that

5

THE ARTE OF WARRE

EPISTLE could finde occasion to venter, yea, and spende

"DFTHPA

TORIE " his life, to benefite his countrie : as by the manly
actes that Marcus Curcius, Oracius Codes, and
Gaius Mucius did for the savegarde of Rome,
and also by other innumerable like examples,
dooeth plainly appeare. But when through long
and continuall peace, thei began to bee altogether
given to pleasure and delicatenesse, little regard-
yng Marciall feates, nor soche as were expert in
the practise thereof: Their dominions and estates,
did not so moche before increase and prospere,
as then by soche meanes and oversight, thei
sodainly fell into decaie and utter mine. For
soche truly is the nature and condicion, bothe
of peace and warre, that where in governemente,
there is not had equalle consideracion of them
bothe, the one in fine, doeth woorke and induce,
the others oblivion and utter abholicion. Wher-
fore, sith the necessitie of the science of warres is
so greate, and also the necessarie use thereof so
manifeste, that even Ladie Peace her self, doeth
in maner from thens crave her chief defence and
preservacion, and the worthinesse moreover, and
honour of the same so greate, that as by prose we
see, the perfecte glorie therof, cannot easely finde
roote, but in the hartes of moste noble couragious
6

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

and manlike personages, I thought most excellente EPISTLE

DEDICA
TORIE

Princes, I could not either to the specialle grate-

fiyng of your highnesse, the universal! delight of
all studious gentlemen, or the common utilitie
of the publike wealth, imploie my labours more
profitablie in accomplishyng of my duetie and
good will, then in settyng foorthe some thing,
that might induce to the augmentyng and increase
of the knowledge thereof: inespecially thexample
of your highnes most politike governemente over
us, givyng plaine testimonie of the wonderful!
prudente desire that is in you, to have your
people instructed in this kinde of service, as
well for the better defence of your highnesse,
theim selves, and their countrie, as also to dis
courage thereby, and to be able to resist the
malingnitie of the enemie, who otherwise would
seeke peradventure, to invade this noble realme
or kyngdome.

When therfore about x. yeres paste, in the
Emperours warres against the Mores and certain
Turkes beyng in Barberie, at the siege and
winnyng of Calibbia, JMonesterio and Africa, I
had as well for my further instruction in those
affaires, as also the better to acquainte me with
the Italian tongue, reduced into Englishe, the

7

THE ARTE OF WARRE

EPISTLE booke called The arte of Warre, of the famous
™OTT* " and excellente Nicholas Machiavell, whiche in

JLUKlHi

times paste he beyng a counsailour, and Secretaire
of the noble Citee of Florence, not without his
greate laude and praise did write : and havyng
lately againe, somwhat perused the same, the
whiche in soche continuall broiles and unquiet-
nesse, was by me translated, I determined with my
self, by publishyng thereof, to bestowe as greate
a gift (sins greater I was not able) emongeste
my countrie men, not experte in the Italian
tongue, as in like woorkes I had seen before me, the
Frenchemen, Duchemen, Spaniardes, and other
forreine nacions, moste lovyngly to have bestowed
emongeste theirs : The rather undoubtedly, that
as by private readyng of the same booke, I then
felt my self in that knowledge marveilously
holpen and increased, so by communicatyng the
same to many, our Englishemen findyng out
the orderyng and disposyng of exploictes of
warre therein contained, the aide and direction
of these plaine and briefe preceptes, might
no lesse in knowledge of warres become in-
comperable, then in prowes also and exercise
of the same, altogether invincible : which my
translacion moste gracious Soveraine, together
8

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

with soche other thynges, as by me hath been EPISTLE

DED1CA
TORIE

gathered, and thought good to adde thereunto,

I have presumed to dedicate unto youre highnes :
not onely bicause the whole charge and furniture
of warlike counsailes and preparacions, being
determined by the arbitremente of Governours
and Princes, the treatise also of like effecte should
in like maner as of right, depende upon the pro
tection of a moste worthie and noble Patronesse,
but also that the discourse it self, and the woorke
of a forrein aucthour, under the passeport and
safeconduite of your highnes moste noble name,
might by speciall aucthoritie of the same, winne
emongest your Majesties subjectes, moche better
credite and estimacion. And if mooste mightie
Queen, in this kind of Philosophic (if I maie so
terme it) grave and sage counsailes, learned and
wittie preceptes, or politike and prudente admoni-
cions, ought not to be accompted the least and
basest tewels of weale publike. Then dare I
boldely afh'rme, that of many straungers, whiche
from forrein countries, have here tofore in this
your Majesties realme arrived, there is none in
comparison to bee preferred, before this worthie
Florentine and Italian, who havyng frely with
out any gaine of exchaunge (as after some
B 9

THE ARTE OF WARRE

EPISTLE acquaintaunce and familiaritie will better appeare)
brought with hym moste riche, rare and plentifull
Treasure, shall deserve I trust of all good Eng-
lishe hartes, most lovingly and frendly to be
intertained, embraced and cherished. Whose
newe Englishe apparell, how so ever it shall
seme by me, after a grosse fasion, more fitlie
appoincted to the Campe, then in nice termes
attired to the Carpet, and in course clothyng
rather putte foorthe to battaile, then in any brave
shewe prepared to the bankette, neverthelesse
my good will I truste, shall of your grace be
taken in good parte, havyng fashioned the phraise
of my rude stile, even accordyng to the purpose
of my travaile, whiche was rather to profite the
desirous manne of warre, then to delight the
eares of the fine Rethorician, or daintie curious
scholemanne : Moste humblie besechyng your
highnes, so to accept my labour herein, as the
first fruictes of a poore souldiours studie, who
to the uttermoste of his smalle power, in
the service of your moste gracious majestic,
and of his countrie, will at al tymes, accord
yng to his bounden duetie and allegeaunce,
promptlie yeld hym self to any labour, travaile,
or daunger, what so ever shal happen. Praiyng
10

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

in the mean season the almightie GOD, to EPISTLE

3EDICA
TORIE

give your highnes in longe prosperous raigne,

perfect health, desired tranquilitie, and against
all your enemies, luckie and joifull victorie.

Your humble subject and dailie oratour,

PETER WHITEHORNE.

I!

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE PROHEME

OF NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL,

Citezein and Secretarie of Florence,

upon his booke of the Arte of Warre, unto

Laurence Philippe Strozze, one of the

nobilitie of Florence.

HERE have Laurence, many helde, and do
holde this opinion, that there is no maner
of thing, whiche lesse agreeth the one with
the other, nor that is so much unlike, as
the civil life to the Souldiours. Wherby
it is often seen, that if any determin in
thexercise of that kinde of service to
prevaile, that incontinent he doeth not
only chaunge in apparel, but also in custome and maner, in
voice, and from the facion of all civil use, he doeth alter :
For that he thinketh not meete to clothe with civell apparell
him, who wil be redie, and promt to all kinde of violence,
nor the civell customes, and usages rnaie that man have,
the whiche judgeth bothe those customes to be effeminate,
and those usages not to be agreable to his profession : Nor
it semes not convenient for him to use the civill gesture and
ordinarie wordes, who with fasingand blasphemies, will make
afraied other menne : the whiche causeth in this time, suche
opinion to be moste true. But if thei should consider
thauncient orders, there should nothing be founde more
united, more confirmable, and that of necessitie ought to
love so much the one the other, as these : for as muche as

13

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE all the artes that are ordeined in a common weale, in regarde
PROHEME or respecte of common profite of menne, all the orders made
in the same, to live with feare of the La we, and of God,
should be vaine, if by force of armes their defence wer not
prepared, which well ordeined, doe maintain those also
whiche be not well ordeined. And likewise to the contrarie,
the good orders, without the souldiours help, no lesse or
otherwise doe disorder, then the habitacion of a sumptuous
and roiall palais, although it wer decte with gold and
precious stones, when without being covered, should not
have wherewith to defende it from the raine. And if in
what so ever other orders of Cities and Kyngdomes, there
hath been used al diligence for to maintain men faithfull,
peaceable, and full of the feare of God, in the service of
warre, it was doubled : for in what man ought the countrie
to seke greater faith, then in him, who must promise to die
for the same ? In whom ought there to bee more love of
peace, then in him, whiche onely by the warre maie be
hurte ? In whome ought there to bee more feare of GOD,
then in him, which every daie committyng himself to
infinite perilles, hath moste neede of his helpe ? This
necessitie considered wel, bothe of them that gave the
lawes to Empires, and of those that to the exercise of
service wer apoincted, made that the life of Souldiours, of
other menne was praised, and with all studie folowed and
imitated. But the orders of service of war, beyng altogether
corrupted, and a greate waie from the auncient maners
altered, there hath growen these sinisterous opinions, which
maketh men to hate the warlike service, and to flie the con-
versacion of those that dooe exercise it. Albeit I judgeing
by the same, that I have seen and redde, that it is not a
thyng impossible, to bryng it again to the auncient maners,
and to give it some facion of the vertue passed, I have
determined to the entente not to passe this my idell time,
without doyng some thyng, to write that whiche I doe
understande, to the satisfaction of those, who of aunciente
actes, are lovers of the science of warre. And although
it be a bold thing to intreate of the same matter, wher of
14

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

otherwise I have made no profession, notwithstanding I THE

beleve it is no errour, to occupic with wordes a degree, the PROHEME

whiche many with greater presumpcion with their deedes

have occupied : for as muche as the errours that I maie

happen to make by writing, may be without harme to any

man corrected : but those the whiche of them be made in

doyng, cannot be knowen without the ruine of Empires.

Therefore Laurence you ought to consider the qualitie of

this my laboure, and with your judgement to give it

that blame, or that praise, as shall seeme unto you it

hath deserved. The whiche I sende unto you, as well

to shewe my selfe gratefull, although my habilitie reche

not to the benefites, which I have received of you, as

also for that beyng the custome to honour with like

workes them who for nobilitie, riches, wisedome, and

liberalise doe shine : I knowe you for riches, and

nobilitie, not to have many peeres, for wisedome

fewe, and for liberalitie none.

15

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE TABLE

OF CERTAIN PRINCIPALS THINGES,

CONTAINED IN THIS WOORKE

OF MACHIAVEL

IN THE FIRSTE BOOKE

PACK

VVhy a good man ought not to exersise warfare as his

arte,. 33

Deedes of armes ought to be used privatly in time of
peace for exersise, and in time of warre for neces-
setie and renoume, . . . . -36

The strength of an armie is the footemen, . . 38

The Romaines renued their Legions and had men in the

flower of their age, . . . . -38

Whether men of armes ought to be kept, . . 40

What is requisete for the preparyng of an armie, 42

Out of what contrie souldiers ought to be chosen, . 43

Souldiers ought to bee chosen, by thaucthoritie of the

Prince, of suche men as be his oune subjectes, . 44
The difference of ages, that is to be taken in the
chosinge of souldiours for the restoring of an olde
power and for the making of a newe, . 44

f- 17

THE ARTE OF WARRE

PAGE

THE The weapons or power that is prepared, of the naturall
TABLE subjectes, of a common weale bringeth profit and

not hurte, ... 47

What cause letted the Venetians, that they made not a

Monarchi of the worlde, . 48

How an armie maye bee prepared in the countrie, where

were no exersise of warre, . 49

The custome that the Romaines used, in the chosyng of

their souldiours, . 51

The greater number of men is best, 53

Whether the multitude of armed men ar occation of

confusion and of dissorder, . 5 5

How to prohibite, that the Capitaines make no discension, 5 7

IN THE SECONDS BOOKE

What armour the antiquetie used, 6 1

The occation of the boldenes of the duchemen, . 64

Whiche maner of armyng menne is better either the

Duche or Romaine fasion, . 64

Diverse examples of late dayes, . 66

An example of Tigran, . 69

Whether the footemen or the horsemen ought to bee

estemed moste, 7°

The cause whie the Romaines were overcome of the

parthians, 7 I

What order, or what vertue maketh, that footemen

overcum horsemen, . 7 r

18

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

Howe the antiquitie exersised their men to learne them THE

to handle their weapons, ... 7^ TABLE

What the antiquitie estemed moste happie in a common

weale, . . . . . ^

The maner, of maintainyng the order, . . -77

What a legion is, of Grekes called a Falange, and of

Frenchemen Catterva, . . . -77

The devision of a legion, and the divers names of orders, 78
The order of batellraye, and the manner of appoincting

the battels, ...... 82

How to order, CCCC.L. men to doo some severall feate, 88
The fation of a battaile that the Suisers make like a

crosse, ..... 90

What carriages the Capitaines ought to have, and the

number of carriages requisite to every band of men., 91
Diverse effectes caused of diverse soundes, . . 93

Whereof cometh the utilitie, and the dissorder of the

armies that are now a daies, . . -93

The manner of arminge men, . . . -97

The number of carriages that men of armes and lighte

horsemen ought to have, . . . .98

IX THE THIRDE HOOKE

The greatest dissorder that is used now a dayes in the

orderinge of an armie, . . . 102

How the Romanies devided their armie in Hastati,

Principi and Triarii, . .102

19

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE The manner that the Romaines used to order them
T A "RT "R1

selves agayne in the overthrow, . . .103

The custom of the Greekes, .... 103
A maine battaile of Suissers, . . . .104

How manie legions of Romaine Citesens was in an ordi-

narie armie, . . . . . .105

The manner how to pitche a fielde to faighte a battaile, 106
Of what number of faighting men an armie oughte to be, no
The description of a battaile that is a faighting, . in

An exsample of Ventidio faighting against the Parthians, 114
An example of Epaminondas, . . . .115

How the Artillerie is unprofitable, . . .116

How that a maine battaile of Suissers cannot ocupie

more then fower pikes , . . . .120

How the battailes when thei cum to be eight or ten,
maye be receyved in the verie same space, that
received the fyve, . . . . .123

The armes that the Standarde of all tharmie ought to

have, . 125

Divers examples of the antiquetie, . 126

IN THE FOWERTH BOOKE

Whether the fronte of the armie ought to bee made large, 132
To how many thinges respecte ought to be had, in the

ordringe of an armie, . . . 133

An example of Scipio, . . . .134

20

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

PAGE

In what place a Capitain maie order his armie with THE

rp A |> T U

savegarde not to be clene overthrowen, . 135

Aniball and Scipio praised for the orderynge of their

armies, ...... 135

Cartes used of the Asiaticans, . . . 137

Diverse examples of the antiquitie, . . 137

The prudence which the Capitaine ought to use, in the

accidence that chaunse in faigh tinge, . .138

What a Capitaine ought to doo, that is the conqueror,

or that is conquered, . . .140

A Capitaine ought not to faighte the battaile, but with

advauntage, excepte he be constrained, . .142

How to avoide the faightinge of the fielde, . . 144

Advertismentes that the Capitaine ought to have, . 146

Speakyng to souldiers helpeth muche to make them to

be curagious and bolde, .... 146

Whether all the armie ought to bee spoken unto, or

onely to the heddes thereof, . . . 147

IN THE FYVETH BOOKE

The manner how to leade an armie gowinge thorough

suspected places, or to incounter the enemie, . 152

An example of Aniball, . . . . .156

Wether any thing oughte to bee commaunded with the

voise or with the trompet, . . • I59

The occations why the warres made now a dayes, doo

impoverish the conquerors as well as the conquered, 162

21

THE ARTE OF WARRE

PAGE

THE Credite ought not to be given to thinges which stand
TABLE nothinge with reason, . . . 1 64

The armie ought not to knowe what the Capitaine pur-

poseth to doo, . I^5

Diverse examples, 167

IN THE SIXTE BOOKE

The maner how to incampe an armie, . 1 7 5

How brode the spaces and the wayes ought to be within

the campe, . .182

What waye ought to be used when it is requiset to

incampe nere the enemie, . .184

How the watche and warde ought to be apoincted in

the campe, and what punishmente they ought to

have that doo not their dutie, . .186

How the Romaines prohibited women to be in their

armies and idell games to be used, . . .188

How to incampe accordinge to the nomber of men, and

what nomber of menne maie suffise againste, what

so ever enemie that wer, . 191

How to doo to be assured, of the fideletie of those that

are had in suspition, . • • J93

What a Capitaine ought to doo beinge beseged of his

enemies, ... 194

Example of Coriliano and others, . 195

It is requiset chiefly for a Capitain to kepe his souldiers

punished and payed, • *97

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

PAGE

Ofaguries, I97 THE

Moste excellent advertismentes and pollicies, . . 198

The occation of the overthrowe of the Frenchmen at

Garigliano, ...... 202

IN THE SEVENTH BOOKE

Cities are strong, either by nature or by industrie, . 205

The maner of fortificacion, .... 205

Bulwarkes ought not to be made oute of a towne

distante from the same, .... 207
Example of Genoa, ... . 208

Of the Countes Catherin, . . 208

The fation of percullesies used in Almaine, . . 210

Howe the battelmentes of walles were made at the first,

and how thei are made now adaies, . . .210

The provisions that is mete to bee made, for the defence

of a towne, . . . . .212

Divers pollicies, for the beseginge and defendinge of a

toune or fortres, . . . .214

Secrete conveing of letters, . . .219

The defence againste a breachc, . . . .219

Generall rules of warre, .

THE FIRST HOOKE

OF THE ARTE OF WARRE OF

NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL, CITEXEIN

AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,

UNTO

LAURENCE PHILIP STROZZE

ONE OF THE NOBILTIE
OF FLORENCE.

I)

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE FIRST BOOKE

ORASMUCH as I beleve that after death,
al men male be praised without charge,
al occasion and suspecte of flatterie
beyng taken awaie, I shal not doubte to
praise our Cosinio Huchellay, whose name
was never remembred of me without
teares, havyng knowen in him those
condicions, the whiche in a good frende
or in a cite/ien, might of his frecndes, or of his countrie, be
desired : for that I doe not knowe what thyng was so muche
his, not excepting any thing (saving his soule) which for his
frendes willingly of "him should not have been spent: I
knowe not what enterprise should have made him afraide,
where the same should have ben knowen to have been for
the benefite of his countrie. And I doe painly confesse, not
to have mette emongest so many men, as I have knowen,
and practised withal, a man, whose minde was more inflamed
then his, unto great and magnificent thynges. Nor he
lamented not with his frendes of any thyng at his death,
but because he was borne to die a yong manne within his
owne house, before he had gotten honour, and accordynge
to his desire, holpen any manne : for that he knewe, that
of him coulde not be spoken other, savyng that there should
be dead a good freende. Yet it resteth not for this, that
we, and what so ever other that as we did know him, are
not able to testifie (sceyng his woorkes doe not appere) of
his lawdable qualities. True it is, that fortune was not for
al this, so muche his encmie, that it left not some brief

27

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE record of the readinesse of his witte, as doeth declare
FIRSTE certaine of his writinges, and settyng foorthe of amorous
BOOKE verses, wherin (although he were not in love) yet for that
he would not consume time in vain, til unto profounder
studies fortune should have brought him, in his youthfull
age he exercised himselfe. Whereby moste plainly maie be
comprehended, with how moche felicitie he did describe his
conceiptes, and how moche for Poetrie he should have ben
estemed, if the same for the ende therof, had of him ben
exercised. Fortune having therfore deprived us from the
use of so great a frende, me thinketh there can bee founde
no other remedie, then as muche as is possible, to seke to
enjoye the memorie of the same, and to repeate suche
thynges as hath been of him either wittely saied, or wisely
disputed. And for as much as there is nothyng of him
more freshe, then the reasonyng, the whiche in his last daies
Signior Fabricio Collonna, in his orchard had with him,
where largely of the same gentilman were disputed matters
of warre, bothe wittely and prudently, for the moste parte
of Cosimo demaunded, I thought good, for that I was pre
sent there with certain other of our frendes, to bring it to
memorie, so that reading the same, the frendes of Cosimo,
whiche thether came, might renewe in their mindes, the
remembraunce of his vertue : and the other part beyng sorie
for their absence, might partly learne hereby many thynges
profitable, not onely to the life of Souldiours, but also
to civil mennes lives, which gravely of a moste wise man
was disputed. Therfore I saie, that Fabricio Collonna
retournyng out of Lombardie, where longe time greatly to
his glorie, he had served in the warres the catholike kyng,
he determined, passyng by Florence, to rest himself certain
daies in the same citee, to visite the Dukes excellencie, and
to see certaine gentilmen, whiche in times paste he had been
acquainted withal. For whiche cause, unto Cosimo it was
thought beste to bid him into his orchard, not so muche to
use his liberalitee, as to have occasion to talke with him at
leasure, and of him to understande and to learne divers
thinges, accordyng as of suche a man maie bee hoped for,
28

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

semyng to have accasion to spende a dale in reasoning THE
of suche matters, which to his minde should best satisfie FIKSTE
him. Then Fabricio came, accordyng to his desire, and was BOOKE
received of Cosimo together, with certain of his trustie
frendes, emongest whome wer Zanoby Buondelmonti, Bap-
tiste Palla, and Luigi Allamanni, all young men loved
of him, and of the very same studies moste ardente, whose
good qualities, for as inuche as every daie, and at every
houre thei dooe praise them selves, we will omit. Fabritio
was then accordyng to the time and place honoured, of all
those honours, that thei could possible devise : But the
bankettyng pleasures beyng passed, and the tabel taken up,
and al preparacion of feastinges consumed, the which are
sone at an ende in sight of greate men, who to honorable
studies have their mindes set, the daie beyng longe, and the
heatemuche, Cosimo judged for to content better his desire,
that it wer well doen, takyng occasion to avoide the heate,
to bring him into the moste secret, and shadowest place
of his garden. Where thei beyng come, and caused to sit,
some upon herbes, some in trie coldest places, other upon
litle seates which there was ordeined, under the shadow of
moste high trees, Fabritio praiseth the place, to be delect- How Soniour
able, and particularly consideryng the trees, and not *'a'»ricio
knowyng some of them, he did stande musinge in his ('()1Ioim;i and
minde, whereof Cosimo beeyng a ware saied, you have not me"l5£ir
peradventure ben acquainted with some of these sortes together in a
of trees : But doe not marvell at it, for as muche as there iranlem,
bee some, that were more estemed of the antiquitie, then OMU'rt>(1 into
thei are commonly now a daies : and he tolde him the names U
of them, and how Barnanlo his graundfather did travaile in warre™
suche kinde of plantyng : Fabritio replied, I thought it shuld
be thesame you saie, and this place, and this studie, made
me to remember certaine Princes of the Kyngdome of Naples,
whiche of these auncient tilings and shadow doe delight.
And staiyng upon this talke, and somewhat standyng in
a studdie, saied moreover, if I thought I should not ofFende,
I woud tell my opinion, but I beleeve I shall not, common-
yng with friendes, and to dispute of thynges, and not to

29

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE condemne them. How much better thei should have doen
FIRSTE (be it spoken without displeasure to any man) to have
BOOKE sought to been like the antiquitie in thinges strong, and
sharpe, not in the delicate and softe : and in those that thei
did in the Sunne, not in the shadowe : and to take the true
and perfecte maners of the antiquitie : not those that are
false and corrupted : for that when these studies pleased my
Romaines, my countrie fell into ruin. Unto which Cosimo
answered. But to avoide the tediousnesse to repeate so
many times he saied, and the other answered, there shall be
onely noted the names of those that speakes, without
rehersing other.

Then COSIMO saied, you have opened the waie of a
reasoning, which I have desired, and I praie you that you
will speake withoute respecte, for that that I without
respecte will aske you, and if I demaundyng, or repliyng
shall excuse, or accuse any, it shal not be to excuse, or
accuse, but to understande of you the truth.

FABRITIO. And I shall be very well contented to tell you
that, whiche I understand of al the same that you shall aske
me, the whiche if it shall be true, or no, I wil report me to
your judgemente : and I will be glad that you aske me, for
that I am to learne, as well of you in askyng me, as you of
me in aunswerynge you : for as muche as many times a wise
demaunder, maketh one to consider" many thynges, and to
knowe many other, whiche without havyng been demaunded,
he should never have knowen.

COSIMO. I will retourne to thesame, that you said first, that
my graundfather and those your Princes, should have doen
more wisely, to have resembled the antiquitie in hard thinges,
then in the delicate, and I will excuse my parte, for that, the
other I shall leave to excuse for you. I doe not beleve that
in his tyme was any manne, that so moche detested the livyng
in ease, as he did, and that so moche was a lover of the same
hardenesse of life, whiche you praise : notwithstanding he
knewe not how to bee able in persone, nor in those of his
sonnes to use it, beeyng borne in so corrupte a worlde,
where one that would digresse from the common use, should

30

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

bee infamed and disdained of every man : consideryng that THE

if one in the hottest day of Summer being naked, should FIUSTE

wallowe hymself upon the Sande, or in Winter in the moste BOOKE

coldest monethes upon the snowe, as Diogenes did, he

should be taken as a foole. If one, (as the Spartans were

wonte to doe) should nourishe his children in a village,

inakyng them to slepe in the open aire, to go with hedde

and feete naked, to washe them selves in the colde water for

to harden them, to be able to abide mochc paine, and for to

make theim to love lesse life, and to feare lesse death, he

should be scorned, and soner taken as a wilde beast, then as

a manne. If there wer seen also one, to nourishe himself

with peason and beanes, and to despise gold, as Fabritio

doeth, he should bee praised of fewe, and followed of none :

so that he being afraied of this present maner of livyng, he

left thauncient facions, and thesame, that he could with

lest admiracion imitate in the antiquitie, he did.

FAHKITIO. You have excused it in this parte mooste
strongly : and surely you saie the truthe : but I did not
speake so inoche of this harde maner of livyng, as of other
maners more humaine, and whiche have with the life now
a daies greater conformitie. The whiche I doe not beleve,
that it hath been difficulte to bryng to passe unto one, who
is nombred emongest Princes of a citee : for the provyng
whereof, I will never seke other, then thexample of the
Romaines. Whose lives, if thei wer well considred, and
thorders of thesame common weale, there should therin be
seen many thinges, not impossible to induce into a comin-
altie, so that it had in her any good thing.

COSIMO. What thynges are those, that you would induce
like unto the antiquitie.

FAHKICIO. To honour, and to reward vertue, not to
despise povertie, to esteme the maners and orders of war
fare, to constrain the citezeins to love one an other, to live
without sectes, to esteme lesse the private, than the publike,
and other like thinges, that easily might bee with this time
accompanied : the which maners ar not difficult to bring to
passe, when a man should wel consider them, and cntrc

31

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE therin by due meanes: for asmoche as in thesame, the

FIRSTE truth so moche appereth, that every common wit, maie

BOOKE easely perceive it : which thing, who that ordeineth, doth

plant trees, under the shadowe wherof, thei abide more

happie, and more pleasantly, then under these shadowes of

this goodly gardeine.

COSIMO. I will not speake any thyng againste thesame that
you have saied, but I will leave it to bee judged of these,
whom easely can judge, and I will tourne my communicacion
to you, that is an accusar of theim, the whiche in grave, and
greate doynges, are not followers of the antiquitie, think-
yng by this waie more easely to be in my entent satisfied.
Therfore, I would knowe of you whereof it groweth, that
of the one side you condempne those, that in their doynges
resemble not the antiquitie ? Of the other, in the warre,
whiche is your art, wherin you are judged excellent, it is
not seen, that you have indevoured your self, to bryng the
same to any soche ende, or any thyng at all resembled
therein the auncient maners.

FABRICIO. You are happened upon the poincte, where
I loked : for that my talke deserved no other question :
nor I desired other : and albeit that I could save my self
with an easie excuse, not withstandyng for my more con-
tentacion, and yours, seyng that the season beareth it, I
will enter in moche longer reasoning. Those men, whiche
will enterprise any thyng, ought firste with all diligence to
prepare theim selves, to be ready and apte when occasion
serveth, to accomplishe that, which thei have determined to
worker and for that when the preparacions are made
craftely, thei are not knowen, there cannot be accused any
man of any negligence, if firste it be not disclosed by
thoccasion : in the which working not, is after seen, either
that there is not prepared so moche as suffiseth, or that
there hath not been of any part therof thought upon. And
for as moche as to me there is not come any occasion to be
able, to shewe the preparacions made of me, to reduce the
servise of warre into his auncient orders, if I have not
reduced it, I cannot be of you, nor of other blamed: I

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

belcvc this excuse shuld suffise for answere to your accuse- THE
merit. FIRSTE

COSIMO. It should suffice, when I wer certain, that thoccasion BOOKE
wer not come.

FABKICIO. But for that I know, that you maie doubt whether
this occasion hath been cum, or no, I will largely (when you
with pacience will hcare me) discourse what preparacions are
necessary first to make, what occasion muste growe, what
difficultie doeth let, that the preparacions help not, and why
thoccasion cannot come, and how these things at ones, which
seme contrary endes, is most difticill, and most easie to do.

COSIMO. You cannot do bothe to me, and unto these other,
a thing more thankfull then this. And if to you it shall not
be tedious to speake, unto us it shal never be grevous to
heare : but for asmoch as this reasoning ought to be long,
I will with your license take helpe of these my frendes : and
thei, and I praie you of one thyng, that is, that you will not
bee greved, if some tyme with some question of importaunce,
we interrupte you.

FABKICIO. I am inoste well contented, that you Cosimo
with these other younge men here, doe aske me : for that I
beleve, that youthfulnes, will make you lovers of warlike
thinges, and more easie to beleve thesame, that of me shalbe
saied. These other, by reason of havyng nowe their hedde
white, and for havyng upon their backes their bloude con-
geled, parte of theim are wonte to bee enemies of warre,
parte uncorrectable, as those, whom beleve, that tymes, and
not the naughtie maners, constraine men to live thus : so
that safely aske you all of me, and without respecte : the
whiche I desire, as well, for that it maie be unto me a little
ease, as also for that I shall have pleasure, not to leave in
your mynde any doubt. I will begin at your woordes, where
you saied unto me, that in the warre, that is my arte, I had
not indevoured to bryng it to any aunciente ende : where
upon I saie, as this beyng an arte, whereby men of no manor
of age can live honestly, it cannot bee used for an arte, but
of a common weale : or of a kyngdome : and the one and
the other of these, when thei bee well ordeined, will never

E 33

THE
FIRSTE
BOOKE

Why a good
man ought
never to use
the exercise
of armes, as
his art.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

consente to any their Citezeins, or Subjectes, to use it for
any arte, nor never any good manne doeth exercise it for his
particulare arte : for as moche as good he shall never bee
judged, whom maketh an excersise thereof, where purposing
alwaies to gaine thereby, it is requisite for hym to be raven-
yng, deceiptfull, violente, and to have many qualities, the
whiche of necessitie maketh hym not good : nor those menne
cannot, whiche use it for an arte, as well the greate as the
leaste, bee made otherwise : for that this arte doeth not
nourishe them in peace. Wherfore thei ar constrained,
either to thinke that there is no peace, or so moche to
prevaile in the tyme of warre, that in peace thei maie bee
able to kepe them selves : and neither of these two
thoughtes happeneth in a good man : for that in mindyng
to bee able to finde himself at all tymes, dooe growe
robberies, violence, slaughters, whiche soche souldiours make
as well to the frendes, as to the enemies : and in mindyng
not to have peace, there groweth deceiptes, whiche the
capitaines use to those, whiche hire them, to the entent the
warre maie continue, and yet though the peace come often,
it happeneth that the capitaines beyng deprived of their
stipendes, and of their licencious livyng, thei erecte an
ansigne of adventures, and without any pitie thei put to
sacke a province. Have not you in memorie of your affaires,
how that beyng many Souldiours in Italic without wages,
bicause the warre was ended, thei assembled together many
companies, and went taxyng the tounes, and sackyng the
countrie, without beyng able to make any remedie ? Have
you not red, that the Carthagenes souldiours, the first warre
beyng ended which thei had with the Romaines, under
Matho, and Spendio, twoo capitaines, rebelliously con
stituted of theim, made more perillous warre to the
Carthaginens, then thesame whiche thei had ended with the
Romaines? In the time of our fathers, Frances Sforza, to
the entente to bee able to live honourably in the time of
peace, not only beguiled the Millenars, whose souldiour he
was, but he toke from them their libertie and became their
Prince. Like unto him hath been all the other souldiours
34

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

of Italie, whiche have used warfare, for their particulare THE

arte, and albeeit thei have not through their nmlignitie FIRSTE

becomcn Dukes of Milein, so inochc the more thei deserve BOOKK

to bee blamed : for that although thei have not gotten so

moch as he, thei have all (if their lives wer seen) sought to

bring the like thynges to passe. Sforza father of Frnunces,

constrained Queue Jone, to caste her self into the armes

of the king of Aragon, havyng in a sodain forsaken her, and

in the middest of her enemies, lefte her disarmed, onely to

satisfie his ambicion, either in taxyng her, or in takyng from

her the Kyngdome. Braccio with the verie same Industrie,

sought to possesse the kyngdome of Naples, and if he had

not been overthrowen and slaine at Aquila, he had brought

it to passe. Like disorders growe not of other, then of sot-he

men as hath been, that use the exercise of warfare, for their

proper arte. Have not you a Proverbe, whiche fortetieth A Proverhe

my reasons, whiche saieth, that warre maketh Theves, and °f warre an

peace hangeth theim up ? For as moche as those, whiche Peace*

knowe not how to live of other exercise, and in the same

finding not enie man to sustaync theym, and havyng not so

moche power, to knowe how to reduce theim selves together,

to make an open rebellion, they are constrayned of necessetie

to Robbe in the highe waies, and Justice is enforced to

extinguishe theim.

COSIMO. You have made me to esteme this arte of war
fare almoste as nothyng, and I have supposed it the moste
excellentes, and moste honourableste that hath been used :
so that if you declare me it not better, I cannot remaine
satisfied : For that when it is thesame, that you saie, I
knowe not, whereof groweth the glorie of Cesar, of Pompei,
of Scipio, of Marcello, arid of so many llomaine Capitaines,
whiche bv fame are celebrated as Goddes.

FAUKICIO. I have not yet made an ende of disputyng al
thesame, that I purposed to propounde : whiche were twoo
thynges, the one, that a good manne could not use this
exercise for his arte : the other, that a common weale or
a kingdome well governed, did never permitte, that their
Subjectes or Citexeiiis should use it, for an arte. Aboute the

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE firste, I have spoken as moche as hath comen into my
FIRSTE mynde: there remaineth in me to speake of the seconde,
BOOKE where I woll come to aunswere to this your laste question,
and I saie that Pompey and Cesar, and almoste all those
Capitaines, whiche were at Rome, after the laste Cartha-
genens warre, gotte fame as valiaunt men, not as good, and
those whiche lived before them, gotte glorie as valiaunte and
good menne : the whiche grewe, for that these tooke not the
exercise of warre for their arte : and those whiche I named
firste, as their arte did use it. And so longe as the common
weale lived unspotted, never any noble Citezein would pre
sume, by the meane of soche exercise, to availe thereby in
peace, breakyng the lawes, spoilyng the Provinces, usurp-
yng, and plaiyng the Tyraunte in the countrie, and in every
maner prevailyng : nor any of how lowe degree so ever thei
were, would goe aboute to violate the Religion, confederat-
yng theim selves with private men, not to feare the Senate,
or to followe any tirannicall insolence, for to bee able to
live with the arte of warre in all tymes. But those whiche
were Capitaines, contented with triumphe, with desire did
tourne to their private life, and those whiche were membres,
would be more willyng to laie awaie their weapons, then to
take them, and every manne tourned to his science, whereby
thei gotte their livyng : Nor there was never any, that would
hope with praie, and with this arte, to be able to finde
theim selves. Of this there maie be made concernyng Cite-
zeins, moste evidente conjecture, by the ensample of Regolo
Attillio, who beyng Capitain of the Romaine armies in
Affrica, and havyng as it wer overcome the Carthegenens,
he required of the Senate, licence to retourne home, to kepe
his possessions, and told them, that thei were marde of his
housbandmen. Whereby it is more clere then the Sunne,
that if thesame manne had used the warre as his arte, and
by meanes thereof, had purposed to have made it profitable
unto him, havyng in praie so many Provinces, he would not
have asked license, to returne to kepe his feldes : for as
moche as every daie he might otherwise, have gotten moche
more, then the value of al those possessions : but bicause
36

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

these good men, and soche as use not the warre for their THE
arte, will not take of thesame any thing then labour, FIRSTE
perilles, and glorie, when thei are sufficiently glorious, thei BOOKE
desire to returne home, and to live of their owne science.
Concernyng menne of lowe degree, and common souldiours,
to prove that thei kepte the verie same order, it doeth
appeare that every one willingly absented theim selves from
soche exercise, and when thei served not in the warre, thei
would have desired to serve, and when thei did serve, thei
would have desired leave not to have served : whiche is wel
knowen through many insamples, and inespecially seeyng
how emonge the firste privileges, whiche the Romaine people
gave to their Citc/eins was, that thei should not be con
strained against their willes, to serve in the warres. There
fore, Rome so long as it was well governed, whiche was
nntill the commyng of Graccus, it had not any Souldiour
that would take this exercise for an arte, and therefore it
had fewe naughtie, and those few wer severely punished.
Then a citee well governed, ought to desire, that this sttidie
of warre, be used in tyme of peace for exercise, and in the
time of warre, for necessitie and for glorie : and to suffer
onely the common weale to use it for an arte, as Rome did,
and what so ever Citezein, that hath in soche exercise other
ende, is not good, and what so ever citee is governed other
wise, is not well ordeined.

COSIMO. I remain contented enough and satisfied of the
same, whiche hetherto you have told, and this conclusion
pleaseth me verie wel whiche you have made, and as muche
as is loked for touching a common welth, I beleve that it is
true, but concerning Kinges, I can not tell nowe, for that I
woulde beleve that a Kinge would have about him, whome
particularly should take suche exercise for his arte.

FABRITIO. A kingdorne well ordred ought moste of all
to avoide the like kinde of men, for only thei, are tin-
destruction of their king, and all together ministers of
tirannv, and alledge me not to the contrarie anie presente
kingdome, for that I woll denie you all those to be king-
domes well ordered, bicause the kingdomes whiche have

37

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE good orders, give not their absolute Empire unto their
FIRSTE king, saving in the armies, for as much as in this place only,
BOOKE a quicke deliberation is necessarie, and for this cause a
principall power ought to be made. In the other affaires,
he ought not to doe any thing without councell, and those
are to be feared, which councell him, leaste he have some
aboute him which in time of peace desireth to have warre,
bicause they are not able without the same to live, but in
this, I wilbe a little more large : neither to seke a kingdome
altogether good, but like unto those whiche be nowe a daies,
where also of a king those ought to be feared, whiche take
the warre for theire art, for that the strength of armies
without any doubte are the foote menne : so that if a king
take not order in suche wise, that his men in time of peace
may be content to returne home, and to live of their owne
trades, it will follow of necessitie, that he ruinate : for that
there is not found more perilous men, then those, whiche
make the warre as their arte : bicause in such case, a king
is inforsed either alwaies to make warre, or to paie them
alwaies, or else to bee in peril!, that they take not from him
his kingdome. To make warre alwaies, it is not possible :
to paie them alwaies it can not be : see that of necessitie, he
runneth in peril to lese the state. The Romanies (as I have
saide) so long as they were wise and good, would never
permitte, that their Citizeins should take this exercise for
their arte, although they were able to nurrishe them therin
alwaies, for that that alwaies they made warre: but to
avoide thesame hurte, whiche this continuall exercise might
doe them, seyng the time did not varie, they changed the
men, and from time to time toke such order with their
legions, that in xv. yeres alwaies, they renewed them : and
so thei had their men in the floure of their age, that is from
xviij. to xxxiij. yeres, in which time the legges, the handes,
and the yes answere the one the other, nor thei tarried not
till there strengthe should decaie, and there naghtines
increase, as it did after in the corrupted times. For as
muche as Octavian first, and after Tiberius, minding more
their own proper power, then the publicke profite, began to
38

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

unarme the Romaine people, to be able easely to commaunde THE
them, and to kepe continually those same armies on the FIKSTE
frontries of the Empire : and bicause also they judged those, BOOKE
not sufficient to kepe brideled the people and Romaine
Senate, they ordeined an armie called Pretoriano, which hue
harde by the walles of Rome, and was as a rocke on the
backe of the same Citie. And for as much as then thei
began frely to permitte, that suche men as were apoincted
in suche exercises, should use the service of warre for their
arte, streight waie the insolence of thcim grewe, that they
became fearful unto the Senate, and hurtefull to the
Emperour, whereby ensued suche harme, that ninnie were
slaine thorough there insolensie : for that they gave, and
toke awaie the Empire, to whome they thought good. And
some while it hapned, that in one self time there were manic
Emperours, created of divers armies, of whiche thinges pro-
ceded first the devision of the Empire, and at laste the ruine
of the same. Therefore kinges ought, if thei wil live safely,
to have there souldiours made of men, who when it is time
to make warre, willingly for his love will go to the same,
and when the peace cometh after, more willingly will returne
home. Whiche alwaies wilbe, when thei shalbe men that
know how to live of other arte then this: and so they
ought to desire, peace beyng come, that there Prince doo
tourne to governe their people, the gentilmen to the tending
of there possessions, and the common souldiours to their
particular arte, and everie one of these, to make warre to
have peace, and not to seke to trouble the peace, to have
warre.

COSIMO. Truely this reasonyng of yours, I thinke to bee well
considered, notwithstanding beyng almost contrarie to that,
whiche till nowe I have thought, my minde as yet doeth not
reste purged of all doubte, for as muche as I see manie
Ix)rdes and gentelmen, to finde them selves in time of peace,
thorough the studies of warre, as your matches bee, who
have provision of there princes, and of the cominaltie. I
see also, almost al the gentelmen of armes, remaine with
their provision, I see manie souldiours lie in garison of Cities

39

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE and fortresses, so that my thinkes, that there is place in time

FIRSTE of peace, for everie one.

BOOKE FABRITIO. I doe not beleve that you beleve this, that in
time of peace everie man may have place, bicause, put
case that there coulde not be brought other reason, the
small number, that all they make, whiche remaine in the
places alledged of you, would answer you. What pro-
porcion have the souldiours, whiche are requiset to bee
in the warre with those, whiche in the peace are occu
pied ? For as much as the fortreses, and the cities that be
warded in time of peace, in the warre are warded muche
more, unto whome are joyned the souldiours, whiche kepe
in the fielde, whiche are a great number, all whiche in the
peace be putte awaie. And concerning the garde of states,
whiche are a small number, Pope July, and you have shewed
to everie man, how muche are to be feared those, who will
not learne to exercise any other art, then the warre, and
you have for there insolence, deprived them from your
garde, and have placed therin Swisers, as men borne and
brought up under lawes, and chosen of the cominaltie,
according to the true election : so that saie no more, that in
peace is place for everie man. Concerning men at armes,
thei al remaining in peace with their wages, maketh this
resolution to seme more difficulte : notwithstandyng who
considereth well all, shall finde the answere easie, bicause
this manner of keping men of armes, is a corrupted manner
and not good, the occasion is, for that they be men, who
make thereof an arte, and of them their should grow every
daie a thousande inconveniencies in the states, where thei
should be, if thei were accompanied of sufficient company :
but beyng fewe, and not able by them selves to make an
armie, they cannot often doe suche grevous hurtes, neverthe-
lesse they have done oftentimes : as I have said of Frances,
and of Sforza his father, and of Braccio of Perugia : so that
this use of keping men of armes, I doe not alowe, for it is
a corrupte maner, and it may make great inconveniencies.

Cosmo. Woulde you live without them ? or keping them,
how would you kepe them ?
40

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

FABRITIO. By waie of ordinaunce, not like to those of the THE
king of Fraunce : for as muche as they be perilous, and FIRSTS
insolent like unto ours, but I would kepe them like unto BOOKS
those of the auncient Romaines, whom created their chivalry
of their own subjectes, and in peace time, thei sente them
home unto their houses, to live of their owne trades, as more
largely before this reasoning ende, I shal dispute. So that
if now this part of an armie, can live in such exercise, as wel
when it is peace, it groweth of the corrupt order. Concern
ing the provisions, which are reserved to me, and to other
capitaines, I saie unto you, that this likewise is an order
moste corrupted : for as much as a wise common weale,
ought not to give such stipendes to any, but rather thei
ought to use for Capitaines in the warre, their Cite/eins,
and in time of peace to will, that thei returne to their
occupations. Likewise also, a wise king either ought not
to give to suche, or giving any, the occasion ought to be
either for rewarde of some worthy dede, or else for the desire
to kepe suche a kinde of man, as well in peace as in warre.
And bicause you alledged me, I will make ensample upon
my self, and saie that I never used the warre as an arte, for
as muche as my arte, is to governe my subjectes, and to
defende them, and to be able to defende them, to love peace,
and to know how to make warre, and my kinge not so
muche to rewarde and esteeme me, for my knowledge in the
warre, as for the knowledge that I have to councel him in
peace. Then a king ought not to desire to have about him, A kin^c that
any that is not of this condicion if he be wise, and prudently hath about
minde to governe: for that, that if he shal have about him him a"ytl|jlt
either to muche lovers of peace, or to much lovers of warre, j^,," "J"*
they shall make him to erre. I cannot in this my first e warre, or to
reasoning, and according to my purpose saie more, and when much lovers
this suHiseth you not, it is mete, you seke of them that may nf p»'"«'«; s}ia'
satisfie you better. You maie now verie well understand, ™"*e him t(
how difh'culte it is to bringe in use the auncient maners in
the presente warres, and what preparations are mete for
a wise man to make, and what occasions ought to be loked
for, to be able to execute it. But by and by, you shall

F 41

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE know these things better, if this reasoning make you not
FIRSTE werie, conferring what so ever partes of the auncient orders
BOOKE hath ben, to the maners nowe presente.

COSIMO. If we desired at the first to here your reason of
these thinges, truly thesame whiche hetherto you have
spoken, hath doubled our desire : wherefore we thanke you
for that we have hard, and the rest, we crave of you to here.
FABRITIO. Seyng that it is so your pleasure, I will begin
to intreate of this matter from the beginning, to the intent
it maye be better understode, being able by thesame meane,
more largely to declare it. The ende of him that wil make
warre, is to be able to fight with every enemy in the fielde,
and to be able to overcum an armie. To purpose to doe
this, it is convenient to ordeine an hoost. To ordein an
hoost, their must be found menne, armed, ordered, and as
well in the small, as in the great orders exercised, to knowe
ho we to kepe araie, and to incampe, so that after bringing
them unto the enemie, either standing or marching, they
maie know how to behave themselves valiantly. In this
thing consisteth all the Industrie of the warre on the lande,
whiche is the most necessarie, and the most honorablest, for
he that can wel order a fielde against the enemie, the other
faultes that he should make in the affaires of warre, wilbe
borne with : but he that lacketh this knowledge, although
that in other particulars he be verie good, he shal never bring
a warre to honor : for as muche as a fielde that thou winnest,
doeth cancell all other thy evill actes : so like wise lesing it,
all thinges well done of thee before, remaine vaine. Ther-
fore, beyng necessarie first to finde the menne, it is requiset
to come to the choise of them. They whiche unto the warre
have given rule, will that the menne be chosen out of
temperate countries, to the intente they may have hardines,
and prudence, for as muche as the hote countrey, bredes
prudente men and not hardy, the colde, hardy, and not
prudente. This rule is good to be geven, to one that were
prince of all the world, bicause it is lawfull for him to choose
men out of those places, whiche he shall thinke beste. But
minding to give a rule, that every one may use, it is mete to
42

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

declare, that everie common weale, and every kingdome, THE
ought to choose their souldiours out of their owne countrie, FIRSTE
whether it be hote, colde, or temperate : for that it is scene BOOKE
by olde ensamples, how that in every countrie with exercise, Oute of what
their is made good souldiours : bicause where nature lacketh, (<oll»trie is
the industry supplieth, the which in this case is worthe SouVliour" to
more, then nature, and taking them in other places, you make a g
shal not have of the choise, for choise is as much to saie, as election,
the best of a province, and to have power to chuse those
that will not, as well as those that wil serve. Wherfore.
you muste take your choise in those places, that are subject?
unto you, for that you cannot take whome you liste, iu the
countries that are not yours, but you muste take suche as
will goe with you.

COKIMO. Yet there maie bee of those, that will come, taken
and lefte, and therefore, thei maie be called chosen.

FABRICIO. You saie the truthe in a certaine maner, but con
sider the faultes, whiche soche a chosen marine hath in him-
selfe, for that also many times it hapneth, that he is not a
chosen manne. For those that are not thy subjectes, and
whiche willyngly doe serve, are not of the beste, but rather
of the worste of a Province, for as mot-he as if any be
sclanderous, idell, unruly, without Religion, fugetive from
the rule of their fathers, blasphemours, Disc plaiers, in
every condicion evill brought up, bee those, whiche will
serve, whose customes cannot be more contrarie, to a true
and good servise : Albeit, when there bee offered unto you,
so many of soche men, as come to above the nomber, that
you have appoincted, you maie chuse them : but the matter
beyng naught, the choise is not possible to be good : also,
many times it chaunceth, that thei be not so many, as will
make up the nomber, whereof you have nede, so that beyng
constrained to take them al, it commcth to passe, that thei
cannot then bee called chosen men, but hired Souldiours.
With this disorder the armies of Italic, are made now a daies,
and in other places, except in Almaine. bicause there thei
doe not hire any by commaundemente of the Prince, but
accordyng to the will of them, that are disposed to serve.

43

THE ARTE OF WARRE

Then consider now, what maners of those aunciente armies,
maie bee brought into an armie of men, put together by
BOOKE iike waies.

COSIMO. What waie ought to bee used then ?
FABUITIO. Thesame waie that I saied, to chuse them of
their owne subjectes, and with the aucthoritie of the Prince.
COSIMO. In the chosen, shall there bee likewise brought in
any auncient facion ?

FABRICIO. You know well enough that ye : when he that
should commaunde theim, were their Prince, or ordinarie
lorde, whether he were made chief, or as a Citezein, and for
thesame tyme Capitaine, beyng a common weale, otherwise
it is harde to make any thyng good.
COSIMO. Why?

FABRICIO. I will tell you a nane : For this time I will
that this suffise you, that it cannot be wrought well by
other waie.

COSIMO. Having then to make this choyse of men in their
owne countries, whether judge you that it be better to take
them oute of the citie, or out of the countrie ?

Whether it be FABRITIO. Those that have written of such matters, doe

•etter to take all agree, that it is best to chuse them out of the

tovraet°or out countrie> bein£ men accustomed to no ease, nurished in

of the countrie labours, used to stonde in the sunne, to flie the shadow,

to serve. knowing how to occupy the spade, to make a diche,

to carrie a burden, and to bee without any deceite,

and without malisiousnes. But in this parte my opinion

should be, that beyng two sortes of souldiours, on foote,

and on horsebacke, that those on foote, should be chosen

out of the countrie, and those on horseback, oute of the

Cities.

COSIMO. Of what age would you choose them ?

Of what age FABRICIO. I would take them, when I had to make a newe
Souldiours armie, from xvii. to xl. yeres : when it were made alredy,

chosen and l had to restore them> of xvii- alwaies.

COSIMO. I doe not understonde well this distinction.
FABRICIO. I shall tell you : when I should ordain e an
hooste to make warre, where were no hooste alredy, it
44

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

should be necessarie to chuse all those men, which were THE
most fitte and apte for the warre, so that they were FIRSTE
of servisable age, that I might bee able to instructe BOOKE
theim, as by me shalbe declared : but when I would
make my choise of menne in places, where a powre were
alredy prepared, for suppliyng of thesame, I would take
them of xvii. yeres : for as much as the other of more
age, be aired v chosen and apoincted.

COSIMO. Then woulde you prepare a power like to those
whiche is in our countrie ?

FARRICIO. Ye truly, it is so that I would arme them,
Captaine them, exercise and order them in a manor, whiche
I cannot tell, if you have ordred them so.

COSIMO. Then do you praise the keping of order ?

FABRITIO. Wherefore would you that I should dispraise it ?

COSIMO. Bicause many wise menne have alwaies blamed it.

FAHRICIO. You speake against all reason, to saie that a
wise man blameth order, he maie bee well thought wise,
and be nothyng so.

COSIMO. The naughtie profe, which it hath alwaies, maketh
us to have soche opinion thereof.

FARRICIO. Take hede it be not your fault, and not the
kepyng of order, the whiche you shall knowe, before this
reasonvng be ended.

COSIMO. You shall doe a thyng moste thankfull, yet I
will saie concernyng thesame, that tliei accuse it, to the
entente you maie the better justifie it. Thei saie thus,
either it is unprofitable, and we trustyng on the same, shall
make us to lese our state, or it shall be verteous, and by the
same meane, he that governeth may easely deprive us thereof.
Thei alledge the Homaines, who by meane of their owne
powers, loste their libertie. Thei alledge the Venicians,
and the Frenche king, whiche Venicians, bicause thei will
not be constrained, to obeie one of their owne Cite/eins, use
the power of straungers : and the Frenche kyng hath dis
armed his people, to be able more easely to commaunde
them, but thei whiche like not the ordinaunces, feare moche
more the unprofit'iblenesse, that thei suppose maie insuc

45

THE
FIRSTE
BOOKE

By what
meanes soul-
diours bee
made bolde
and experte.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

thereby, then any thyng els : the one cause whiche thei
allege is, bicause thei are unexperte : The other, for that
thei have to serve par force: for asmoche as thei saie, that the
aged bee not so dissiplinable, nor apte to learne the feate
of armes, and that by force, is doen never any thyng good.

FABRICIO. All these reasons that you have rehearsed, be of
men, whiche knoweth the thyng full little, as I shall plainly
declare. And firste, concernyng the unprofitablenesse, I tell
you, that there is no service used in any countrie more
profitable, then the service by the Subjectes of thesame,
nor thesame service cannot bee prepared, but in this
maner : and for that this nedeth not to be disputed of, I will
not lese moche tyme : bicause al thensamples of auncient
histores, make for my purpose, and for that thei alledge the
lacke of experience, and to use constraint : I saie how it is
true, that the lacke of experience, causeth lacke of courage,
and constrainte, maketh evill contentacion : but courage,
and experience thei are made to gette, with the maner of
armyng theim, exercisyng, and orderyng theim, as in pro-
ceadyng of this reasonyng, you shall heare. But concernyng
constrainte, you ought to understande, that the menne, whiche
are conducted to warfare, by commaundement of their Prince,
thei ought to come, neither altogether forced, nor altogether
willyngly, for as moche as to moche willyngnesse, would
make thinconveniencies. where I told afore, that he should
not be a chosen manne, and those would be fewe that would
go : and so to moche constraint, will bring forth naughtie
effectes. Therefore, a meane ought to be taken, where is
not all constrainte, nor all willingnesse : but beyng drawen
of a respecte, that thei have towardes their Prince, where
thei feare more the displeasure of thesame, then the presente
paine : and alwaies it shall happen to be a constrainte, in
maner mingled with willingnesse, that there cannot growe
soche evil contentacion, that it make evill effectes. Yet
I saie not for all this, that it cannot bee overcome, for that
full many tymes, were overcome the Romaine armies, and
the armie of Aniball was overcome, so that it is seen, that
an armie cannot be ordained so sure, that it cannot be over-

46

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

throwen. Therefore, these your wise men, ought not to
measure this unprofitablenesse, for havyng loste ones, but
to beleve, that like as thei lese, so thei maie winne, and
remeadie the occasion of the losse : and when thei shall
seke this, thei shall finde, that it hath not been through
faulte of the waie, but of the order, whiche had not his per-
feccion, and as I have saied, thei ought to provide, not with
blamyng the order, but with redressing it, the whiche how
it ought to be doen, you shall understande, from poinct
to poinct. Concernyng the doubte, leste soche ordinaunces,
take not from thee thy state, by meane of one, whiche is
made hedde therof, I answere, that the arm u re on the
backes of citezeins, or subjcctcs, given by the disposicion of
order and lawe, did never harme, but rather alwaies it doeth
good, and mainteineth the citee, moche lenger in suretie,
through helpe of this armure, then without. Home con
tinued free CCCC. yeres, and was armed. Sparta viii.C.
Many other citees have been disarmed, and have remained
free, lesse then xl. For as moche as citees have nede of
defence, and when thei have no defence of their owne, thei
hire straungers, and the straunges defence, shall hurte
moche soner the common weale, then their owne : bicause
thei be moche easier to be corrupted, and a citezein that
becommeth mightie, maie moche soner usurpe, and more
easely bryng his purpose to passe, where the people bee
disarmed, that he seketh to oppresse : besides this, a citee
ought to feare a greate deale more, twoo enemies then one.
Thesame citee that useth straungers power, feareth at one
instant the straunger, whiche it hireth, and the Citezein :
and whether this feare ought to be, remember thesame,
whiche I rehearsed a little a fore of Frances Sfor/a. That,
citee, whiche useth her own proper power, feareth no man,
other then onely her owne Cite/ein. But for all the reasons
that maie bee saied, this shall serve me, that never any
ordeined any common weale, or Kyngdome, that would not.
thinke, that thei theini selves, that inhabite thesame, should
with their sweardes defende it.

And if the Venicians had been so wise in this, as in all

47

THE
FIKSTE
BOOKE

A Citee that
useth the
servise <>f
straun^ers,
feareth at one
instaunte the
strauujfors,
which it
hireth .'ind the
rite/ens of
thesame.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE their other orders, thei should have made a new Monarchie in
RSTE the world, whom so moche the more deserve blame, havyng
BOOKE been armed of their first giver of lawes : for havyng no
dominion on the lande, thei wer armed on the sea, where
thei made their warre vertuously, and with weapons in their
handes, increased their coimtrie. But when thei were driven,
to make warre on the lande, to defende Vicenza, where thei
ought to have sent one of their citezens, to have fought on
the lande, thei hired for their capitain, the Marques of
Mantua : this was thesame foolishe acte, whiche cut of
their legges, from climyng into heaven, and from enlargyng
their dominion : and if thei did it, bicause thei beleved,
that as thei knewe, how to make warre on the Sea, so thei
mistrusted theim selves, to make it on the lande, it was a
mistruste not wise : for as moche as more easely, a capitain
of the sea, whiche is used to fight with the windes, with the
water, and with men, shall become a Capitaine of the lande,
where he shall fight with men onely, then a capitaine of
the lande, to become a capitain of the sea. The Romaines
knowyng how to fight on the lande, and on the sea, commyng
to warre, with the Carthaginens, whiche were mightie on the
sea, hired not Grekes, or Spaniardes, accustomed to the sea,
but thei committed thesame care, to their Citezeins, whiche
thei sent on the land, and thei overcame. If thei did it,
for that one of their citezeins should not become a tiraunt,
it was a feare smally considered : for that besides thesame
reasons, whiche to this purpose, a little afore I have re
hearsed, if a Citezein with the powers on the sea, was never
made a tiraunt in a citee standyng in the sea, so moche the
lesse he should have been able to accomplishe this with the
powers of the lande : whereby thei ought to se that the
weapons in the handes of their Citezeins, could not make
tirantes : but the naughtie orders of the governement, whiche
maketh tirannie in a citee, and thei havyng good governe
ment, thei nede not to feare their owne weapons : thei toke
therefore an unwise waie, the whiche hath been occasion, to
take from them moche glorie, and moche felicitie. Con-
cernyng the erroure, whiche the kyng of Fraunce committeth
48

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

not kepyng instructed his people in the warre, the whiche THE
those your wise men alledge for ensample, there is no man, FIRSTE
(his particulare passions laied a side) that doeth not judge BOOKE
this fault, to be in thesame kyngdome, and this negligence
onely to make hym weake. But I have made to greate a
digression, and peradventure am come out of my purpose,
albeit, I have doen it to aunswere you, and to shewe you,
that in no cotmtrie, there can bee made sure foundacion, for
defence in other powers but of their owne subjectes : and
their own power, cannot be prepared otherwise, then by
waie of an ordinaunce, nor by other waie, to induce the
facion of an armie in any place, nor by other meane to
ordein an instruction of warfare. If you have red the
orders, whiche those first kynges made in Rome, and in-
especially Servio Tullo, you shall finde that the orders of
the Classi is no other, then an ordinaunce, to bee able at a
sodaine, to bryng together an armie, for defence of thesame
citee. But let us retourne to our choise, I saie again e, that
havyng to renewe an olde order, I would take them of xvii.
havyng to make a newe armie, I would take them of all
ages, betwene xvii. and xl. to be able to warre straight waie.

COSIMO. Would you make any difference, of what science
you would chuse them ?

FAHIUTIO. The aucthours, which have written of the arte
of warre, make difference, for that thei will not, that there
bee taken Fouler*, Fishers, Cookes, baudes, nor none that
use any science of voluptuousnesse. But thei will, that there Of what
bee taken Plowmen, Ferrars, Smithes, Carpenters, Buchars, science sol-
IIunters,and soche like : but I would make little difference, di('urs oupht
through conjecture of the science, concernyng the goodnesse c
of the man, notwithstaiulyng, in as moche as to be able with
more proh'te to use theim, I would make difference, and for
this cause, the countrie men, which are used to till the
grounde, are more profitable then any other. Next to
whom be Smithes, Carpentars, Ferrars, Masons, wherof it
is profitable to have enough : for that their occupations,
serve well in many thynges : bevng a thvng verie good to
have a souldiour, of whom maie be had double servise.

G 49

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE COSIMO. Wherby doe thei knowe those, that be, or are

FIRSTE not sufficient to serve.

BOOKE FABUITIO. I will speake of the maner of chusing a new
ordinaunce, to make an armie after, for that, parte of this
matter, doeth come also to be reasoned of, in the election,
which should be made for the replenishing, or restoring
of an old ordinaunce. I saie therfore, that the good-
nesse of one, whiche thou muste chuse for a Souldiour, is
knowen either by experience, thorough meane of some of his
worthy doynges, or by conjecture. The proofe of vertue,
cannot be founde in men whiche are chosen of newe, and
whiche never afore have ben chosen, and of these are
founde either fewe or none, in the ordinaunce that of newe
is ordeined. It is necessarie therefore, lackyng this ex
perience, to runne to the conjecture, whiche is taken by
the yeres, by the occupacion, and by the personage : of
those two first, hath been reasoned, there remaineth to
speake of the thirde. And therefore, I saie how some have
willed, that the souldiour bee greate, emongest whom was
Pirrus. Some other have chosen theim onely, by the lusti-
nesse of the body, as Cesar did : whiche lustinesse of bodie
and mynde, is conjectured by the composicion of the
members, and of the grace of the countenaunce : and
Ho we to chose therefore, these that write saie, that thei would have the
a souldiour. jyes lively and cherefull, the necke full of sinowes, the
breaste large, the armes full of musculles. the fingers long,
little beallie, the flankes rounde, the legges and feete drie :
whiche partes are wont alwayes to make a manne nimble
and strong, whiche are twoo thynges, that in a souldiour
are sought above al other. Regarde ought to bee had above
all thynges, to his customes, and that in hym bee honestie,
and shame : otherwise, there shall bee chosen an instrumente
of mischief, and a beginnyng of corrupcion : for that lette
no manne beleve that in the dishoneste educacion, and
filthy minde, there maie take any vertue, whiche is in any
parte laudable. And I thinke it not superfluous, but rather
I beleve it to bee necessarie, to the entente you maie the
better understande, the importaunce of this chosen, to tell
50

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

you the maner, that the Romaine Consuls, in the beginning THE
of their rule, observed in the chosing of their Roniain
legions : in the whiche choise of men, bicause thesame
legions were mingled with old souldiours and newe, con-
sideryng the continuall warre thei kepte, thei might in
their choise precede, with the experince of the old, and with
the conjecture of the newe : and this ought to be noted,
that these men be chosen, either to serve incontinently, or
to exercise theim incontinently, and after to serve when
nede should require. But my intencion is to shew you,
how an annie maie be prepared in the countrie, where there
is no warlike discipline : in which countrie, chosen men
cannot be had, to use them straight waie, but there, where
the custome is to levie armies, and by meane of the Prince,
thei maie then well bee had, as the Romanies observed, and
as is observed at this daie emong the Suisers : bicause in
these chosen, though there be many newe menne, there be
also so many of the other olde Souldiours, accustomed to
serve in the warlike orders, where the newe mingled together
with the olde, make a bodie united and good, notwith
standing, that themperours after, beginning the staciones
of ordinarie Souldiours, had appoincted over the newe
souldiours, whiche were called tironi, a maister to exercise
theim, as appeareth in the life of Massimo the Emperour.
The whiche thyng, while Rome was free, not onely in the
armies, but in the citee was ordeined : and the exercises of
warre, beyng accustomed in thesame, where the yong men
did exercise, there grewe, that beyng chosen after to goe
into warre, thei were so used in the fained exercise of war
fare, that thei could easely worke in the true : but those
Emperours havyng after put doune these exercises, thei wer
constrained to use the waies, that I have shewed you.
Therefore, comyng to the maner of the chosen Romain, I
saie that after the Romain Consulles (to whom was appoincted
the charge of the warre) had taken the rule, myndyng to
ordeine their armies, for that it was the custome, that either
of them should have twoo Ix'gions of Romaine menne, whiche
was the strength of their armies, thei created xxiiii.

51

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE Tribunes of warre, and thei appoincted sixe for every
FIRSTE Legion, whom did thesame office, whiche those doe now a
BOOKE daies, that we call Conestables : thei made after to come
together, all the Romain men apte to beare weapons, and
thei put the Tribunes of every Legion, seperate the one
from the other. Afterwarde, by lot thei drewe the Tribes,
of whiche thei had firste to make the chosen, and of the
same Tribe thei chose fower of the best, of whiche was
chosen one of the Tribunes, of the first Legion, and of the
other three was chosen, one of the Tribunes of the second
Legion, of the other two there was chosen one of the
Tribunes of the third, and the same last fell to the fowerth
Legion. After these iiij, thei chose other fower, of which,
first one was chosen of the Tribunes of the seconde Legion,
the seconde of those of the thirde, the thirde of those of the
fowerth, the fowerth remained to the first. After, thei
chose other fower, the first chose the thirde, the second
the fowerth, the thirde the fiveth, the fowerth remained to
the seconde: and thus thei varied successively, this maner
of chosyng, so that the election came to be equall, and the
Legions wer gathered together : and as afore we saied, this
choise might bee made to use straighte waie, for that thei
made them of men, of whom a good parte were experiensed
in the verie warfare in deede, and all in the fained exercised,
and thei might make this choise by conjecture, and by ex
perience. But where a power must be ordeined of newe,
and for this to chuse them out of hande, this chosen cannot
be made, saving by conjecture, whiche is taken by consideryng
their ages and their likelinesse.

COSIMO. I beleve all to be true, as moche as of you hath
been spoken : but before that you precede to other reasonyng,
I woll aske of you one thing, which you have made me to
remember : saiyng that the chosen, that is to be made where
men were not used to warre, ought to be made by conjecture :
for asmoche as I have heard some men, in many places dis
praise our ordinaunce, and in especially concernyng the
nomber, for that many saie, that there ought to bee taken
lesse nomber, whereof is gotten this profite, that thei shall
52

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

be better and better chosen, and men shal not be so moche THE
diseased, so that there maie bee given them some rewarde, FIRSTE
whereby thei maie bee more contented, and better bee com- BOOKE
maunded, whereof 1 would understande in this parte your
opinion, and whether you love better the greate nomber,
then the little, and what waie you would take to chuse
theim in the one, and in the other nomber.

FABRICIO. Without doubte it is better, and more necessary,
the great nomber, then the little : but to speake more
plainly, where there cannot be ordeined a great nomber of
men, there cannot be ordeined a perfect ordinaunce : and I
will easely confute all the reasons of them propounded.
I saie therefore firste, that the lesse nomber where is many
people, as is for ensample Tuscane, maketh not that you
have better, nor that the chosen be more excellent, for that
myndyng in chosing the menne, to judge them by experience,
there shall be founde in thesame countrie moste fewe, whom
experience should make provable, bothe for that fewe hath
been in warre, as also for that of those, mooste fewe have
made triall, whereby thei might deserve to bee chosen before
the other: so that he whiche ought in like places to chuse,
it is mete he leave a parte the experience, and take them
by conjecture. Then being brought likewise into soche
necessitie, I would understande, if there come before me
twentie young men of good stature, with what rule I ought
to take, or to leave any: where without doubte, I beleve
that every man will confesse, how it is lesse errour to take
them al, to arme theim and exercise theim, beyng not able
to knowe, whiche of theim is beste, and to reserve to make
after more certaine chosen, when in practisyng theim with
exercise, there shall be knowen those of moste spirite, and
of moste life : which considered, the chusing in this case a
fewe, to have them better, is altogether naught.

Concernyng diseasing lesse the countrie, and men, I saie
that the ordinaunce, either evill or little that it bee, causeth
not any disease, for that this order doeth not take menue
from any of their businesse, it bindeth them not, that thei
cannot so to doe any of their affaires : for that it bindeth

53

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE them onely in the idell dales, to assemble together, to
FIRSTE exercise them, the whiche thyng doeth not hurt, neither to
BOOKE the countrie, nor to the men, but rather to yong men, it
shall bryng delite : For that where vilie on the holy daies,
thei stande idell in tipplyng houses, thei will go for pleasure
to those exercises, for that the handlyng of weapons, as it is
a goodly spectacle, so unto yong men it is pleasaunt. Con-
cernyng to bee able to paie the lesse nomber, and for this
to kepe theim more obediente, and more contented, I
answere, how there cannot be made an ordinaunce of so
fewe, whiche maie be in maner continually paied, where
thesame paiment of theirs maie satisfie them. As for en-
sample, if there were ordeined a power of v. thousande men,
for to paie them after soche sorte, that it might be thought
sufficient, to content them, it shal bee convenient to give
theim at least, ten thousaunde crounes the moneth : first,
this nomber of men are not able to make an armie, this paie
is intolerable to a state, and of the other side, it is not
sufficiente to kepe men contented, and bounde to be able to
serve at al times : so that in doyng this, there shall be spent
moche, and a small power kept, whiche shall not be suffi
cient to defend thee, or to doe any enterprise of thine. If
thou shouldest give theim more, or shouldest take more, so
moche more impossibilitie it should be, for thee to paie
theim : if thou shouldest give them lesse, or should take
lesse, so moche the lesse contentacion should be in them, or
so moche the lesse profite thei shal bring thee. Therfore,
those that reason of makyng an ordinaunce, and whilest
thei tary at home to paie them, thei reason of a thing either
impossible, or unprofitable, but it is necessarie to paie them,
when thei are taken up to be led to the warre : albeit,
though soche order should somewhat disease those, in time
of peace, that are appoincted in thesame, which I se not
how, there is for recompence all those benefites, whiche
a power brynges, that is ordeined in a countrie : for that
without thesame, there is nothyng sure. I conclude, that
he that will have the little nomber, to be able to paie them,
or for any of the other causes alledged of you, doeth not
54

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

understande, for that also it maketh for my opinion, that THE

every noraber shall deminishe in thy handes, through infinite FIRSTE

impediments, whiche men have : so that the little nomber BOOKE

shall tourne to nothing : again havyng thordinaunce greate,

thou maiest at thy pleasure use fewe of many, besides this,

it must serve thee in deede, and in reputacion, and alwaies

the great Member shall give thee moste reputacion. More

over, makyng the ordinaunce to kepe menne exercised, if

thou appoincte a fewe nomber of men in many countries,

the handes of men bee so farre a sonder, the one from the

other, that thou canst not without their moste grevous

losse, gather them together to exercise them, and without

this exercise, the ordinaunce is unprofitable, as hereafter

shall be declared.

COSIMO. It suffiseth upon this my demaunde, that whiche
you have saied : but I desire now, that you declare me an
other doubt. Thei saie, that soche a multitude of armed
men, will make confusion, discension and disorder in the
countrie where thei are.

FADRITIO. This is an other vaine opinion, the cause wherof,
I shall tell you : soche as are ordeined to serve in the warres,
maie cause disorder in twoo maners, either betwene them
selves, or against other, whiche thinges moste easely maie be
withstode, where the order of it self, should not w*ithstande
it: for that concernyng the discorde eniong theiin selves,
this order taketh it waie, and doeth not nourishe it, for that
in orderyng them, you give them armour and capitaines. If
the countrie where you ordein them, bee so unapte for the
warre, that there are not armours emong the men of the-
same, and that thei bee so united, that thei have no heddes,
this order maketh theim moche fcarser against the straunger,
but it maketh them not any thyng the more disunited, for
that men well ordered, feare the lawe beyng armed, as well
as unarmed, nor thei can never alter, if the capitaines, which
you give them, cause not the alteracion, and the waie to
make this, shall be tolde now : but if the countrie where you
ordein them, be warlike and disunited, this order onely shal
be occasion to unite them : bicause this order giveth them

55

THE
FIRSTE
BOOKE

Howtoprovid
againste
soche incon
veniences as
souldiours
maie cause.

The occasion
of civill
warre emong
the Romaines.

THE AllTE OF WARRE

armours profitable for the warre, and heddes, extinguishers
of discencion : where their owne armours bee unprofitable
for the warres, and their heddes nourishers of discorde.
For that so sone as any in thesame countrie is offended, he
resorteth by and by to his capitain to make complaint, who
for to maintain his reputacion, comforteth hym to revenge-
ment not to peace. To the contrary doeth the publike hed,
so that by this meanes, thoccasion of' discorde is taken awaie,
and the occasion of union is prepared, and the provinces
united and effeminated, gette utilitie, and maintain union :
the disunited and discencious, doe agree, and thesame their
fearsnesse, which is wont disordinately to worke, is tourned
into publike utilitie. To minde to have them, to doe no
hurt against other, it ought to bee considered, that thei
cannot dooe this, except by meane of the heddes, whiche
governe them. To will that the heddes make no disorder,
it is necessarie to have care, that thei get not over them to
much auctori tie. And you must consider that this auctoritie,
is gotten either by nature, or by accidente : and as to nature,
it behoveth to provide, that he which is boren in one place,
be not apoincted to the men billed in the same, but be made
hedde of those places, where he hath not any naturall acquaint
ance : and as to the accident, the thing ought to be ordeined in
suche maner, that every yere the heddes maie be changed from
governement to goverment : for as muche as the continuall
auctoritie over one sorte of menne, breedeth among them so
muche union, that it maie turne easely to the prejudice of the
Prince : whiche permutations howe profitable they be to
those who have used theim, and hurtefull to them that
have not observed theim, it is well knowen by the kingdome
of the Assirians, and by the Empire of the Romaines : where
is scene, that the same kingdome indured aM.ycres without
tumulte, and without any Civill warre : whiche preceded
not of other, then of the permutations, whiche from place
to place everie yere thesame Capitaines made, unto whome
were apoincted the charge of the Armies. Nor for any
other occasion in the Romaine Empire, after the bloud of
Cesar was extinguished, there grewe so many civill warres,
56

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

betwene the Capitaines of the hostes, and so many con- THE
spiracles of the forsaied capitaines against the Emperours,
hut onely for kepyng continually still those capitaines alwayes BOOKE
in one governement. And if in some of those firste Em
perours, and of those after, whom helde the Empire with
reputacion, as Adriane, Marcus, Severus, and soche like,
there had been so moche foresight, that thei had brought
this custome of chaungyng the capitaines in thesame Empire,
without doubte it should have made theim more quiete, and
more durable: For that the Capitaines should have had
lesse occasion to make tumultes, the Emperours lesse
cause to feare, and the senate in the lackes of the suc
cessions, should have had in the election of the Emperour,
more aucthoritie, and by consequence should have been
better : but the naughtie custome, either for ignoraunce, or
through the little diligence of menne, neither for the wicked,
nor good ensamples, can be taken awaie.

COSIMO. I cannot tell, if with my questionyng, I have
as it were led you out of your order, bicause from the
chusyng of men, we be entred into an other matter, and
if I had not been a little before excused, I should thinke to
deserve some reprehension.

FABRITIO. Let not this disquiete you, for that all this
reasonyng was necessary, myndyng to reason of the or-
dinaunce, the which beyng blamed of many, it was requsite
to excuse it, willyng to have this first parte of chusyng men
to be alowed. But now before I discend to the other partes,
I will reason of the choise of men on horsebacke. Of the The number
antiquitie, these were made of the moste richeste, havyng J^0^™6"'
regard bothe to the yeres, and to the qualitie of the Ron,ajne8
man, and thei chose CCC. for a Legion, so that the 0}u,se for a
Remain horse, in every Consulles armie, passed not the Legion, and

nombcr of vi. C. s^ile^armie

COSIMO. Would you make an ordinaunce of hors, to *"'

exercise them at home, and to use their service when nede

requires?

FABRICIO. It is most necessary, and it cannot be doen

otherwise, minding to have the power, that it be the owne
H 57

THE
FIRSTE
BOOKE

The choosing
and ordering
of horsemen,
that is to be
observed at
this present.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

proper, and not to purpose to take of those, which make
thereof an arte.

COSIMO. Howe would you chuse them ?

FABUITIO. I would imitate the Romanes, I woulde take of
the richest, I would give them heades or chiefe Capitaynes,
in the same maner, as nowe a dayes to other is given, and
I would arme them and exercise them.

COSIMO. To these should it be well to give some pro
vision ?

FABRITIO. Yea marie, but so much onely as is necessarye
to keepe the horse, for as muche as bringing to thy sub-
jectes expences, they might justly complayne of thee, there
fore it shoulde be necessarye, to paye them their charges of
their horse.

COSJMO. What nomber woulde you make ? and how woulde
you arme them ?

FABRITIO. You passe into an other matter. I will tell

you in convenient place, whiche shalbe when I have

tolde you, howe foote men oughte to be armed,

and howe a power of men is prepared, for

a day of battaile.

58

THE SECOND BOOKE

OF THE ARTE OF WARRE OF

NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL, CITEZEIN

AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,

UNTO

LAURENCE PHILIP STROZZE.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE SECOND BOOKE

BELEEVE that it is necessary e, men being
founde, to arme them, and minding to
doo this, I suppose that it is a needefull
thing to examine, what armoure the anti-
quitie used, and of the same to chose the
best. The Romanes devided their foote
men in heavie and lighte armed : Those
that were light armed, they called by the
name of Vcliti : Under this name were understoode all those
that threwe with Slinges, shot with Crossebowes, cast Dartes,
and they used the most parte of them for their defence, to Howe the
weare on their heade a Murion, with a Targaet on their Romaines
arme : they fought out of the orders, and farre of from the Jj^jjj^
heavie armed, which did weare a head peece, that came wjjat wcanous
downe to their shoulders, a Corselet, which with the tases thei used,
came downe to the knees, and they had the legges and
armes, covered with greaves, and vambraces, with a targaet
on the left arme, a yarde and a halfe long, and three quarters
of a yarde brode, whiche had a hoope of Iron upon it, to bee
able to sustaine a blowe, and an other under, to the intente,
that it being driven to the earth, it should not breake : for
to off'ende, they had girte on their left flanke a swoorde, the
length of a yearde and a naile, on their righte side, a Dagger :
they had a darte in every one of their handes, the which
they called Pilo, and in the beginning of the fight, they
threwe those at the enemie. This was the ordering, and
importaunce of the armours of the Romanes, bv the which

61

THE
SECOND
BOOKE

How the
Grekes did
arme them
selves, and
what weapons
they used
againste their
enemies.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

they possessed all the world. And although some of these
auncient writers gave them, besides the foresayde weapons,
a staffe in their hande like unto a Partasen, I cannot tell
howe a heavy staffe, may of him that holdeth a Targaet
bee occupied: for that to handle it with both hands, the
Targaet should bee an impediment, and to occupye the
same with one hande, there can be done no good therwith,
by reason of the weightynesse therof : besides this, to faight
in the strong, and in the orders with such long kinde of
weapon, it is unprofitable, except in the first front, where
they have space enough, to thrust out all the staffe, which
in the orders within, cannot be done, for that the nature of
the battaile (as in the order of the same, I shall tell you) is
continually to throng together, which although it be an
inconvenience, yet in so doing they feare lesse, then to
stande wide, where the perill is most evident, so that all the
weapons, which passe in length a yarde and a halfe, in the
throng, be unprofitable : for that, if a man have the
Partasen, and will occupye it with both handes, put case
that the Targaet let him not, he can not hurte with the
same an enemie, whom is upon him, if he take it with one
hande, to the intent to occupie also the Targaet, being not
able to take it, but in the middest, there remayneth so
much of the staffe behinde, that those which are behinde
him, shall let him to welde it. And whether it were true,
either that the Romanes had not this Partasen, or that
having it, did litle good withall, reade all the battailes, in
the historye therof, celebrated of Titus Livius, and you
shall see in the same, most seldome times made mencion of
Partasens, but rather alwaies he saieth, that the Dartes
being throwen, they layed their hands on their sweardes.
Therfore I will leave this staffe, and observe, concerning the
Romanes, the swoorde for to hurte, and for defence the
Targaet, with the other armours aforesaide.

The Greekes dyd not arrne them selves so heavyly, for
their defence, as the Romanes dyd : but for to offend the
enemies, they grounded more on their staves, then on their
swoordes, and in especiallye the Fallangye of Macedonia,

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

which used staves, that they called Sarisse, seven yardes and THE
a halfe long, with the which they opened the rankes of their SECOND
enemies, and they keept the orders in their Fallangy. And BOOKE
although some writers saie, that they had also the Targaet,
I can not tell (by the reasons aforesayde) ho we the Sarisse
and they coulcle stande together. Besides this, in the
battaile that Paulus Emilius made, with Persa king of Mace
donia, I do not remember, that there is made any mention
of Targaettes, but only of the Sarisse, and of the difficultie
that the Homane armie had, to overcome them : so that
I conjecture, that a Macedonicall Fallange, was no other
wise, then is now a dayes a battaile of Suizzers, the whiche
in their Pikes have all their force, and all their power. The A brave and a
Romanes did garnish (besides the armours) the footemen terrible thing
with feathers ; the whiche thinges makes the fight of an to the
armie to the friendes goodly, to the enemies terrible. The 6
armour of the horsemen, in the same first Jiomane antiquitie, Howe the
was a rounde Targaet, and they had their head armed, and Romanes
the rest unarmed : They had a swoorde and a staffe, with h^emei'fin
an Iron head onely before, long and small : whereby it Olde time. *
happened, that they were not able to staye the Targaet,
and the staffe in the incountring broke, and they through
being unarmed, were subjecte to hurtes : after, in processe
of time, they armed them as the footemen, albeit they used
the Targaette muche shorter, square, and the staffe more
stiffe, and with twoo heades, to the entente, that breaking
one of the heades, they mightc prevaile with the other.
With these armours as well on foote, as on horsebacke, the
Romanes conquered all the worlde, and it is to be beleeved,
by the fruict thereof, whiche is scene, that they were the
beste appointed armies, that ever were : and Titus Livius
in his history, doeth testifie verye often, where comming to
comparison with the enemies armies, he saieth : But the
Romanes, by vertue, by the kinde of their armours, and
practise in the service of warre, were superiours : and ther-
fore I have more particularly reasoned of the armours
of conquerours, then of the conquered. But no we mee
thinkes good, to reason onelye of the manner of arming

63

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE men at this presente. Footemen have for their defence,
SECOND a breast plate, and for to offende, a launce, sixe yardes and
BOOKE three quarters long, which is called a pike, with a swoorde

The maner of on their side, rather rounde at the poinct, then sharpe.

arming men rphis is the ordinarie arming of footemen nowe a dayes, for

nowe adaies. ^t fewe there be, which have their legges armed, and their
armes, the heade none, and those fewe, beare insteede of
a Pike, a Halberde, the staff'e whereof as you know, is twoo
yardes and a quarter long, and it hath the Iron made like
an axe. Betweene them, they have Harkebutters, the which
with the violence of the fire, do the same office, which in

The invention olde time the slingers did, and the Crosseboweshoters.

of Pikes. This maner of arming, was found out by the Dutchemen,
inespeciallye of Suizzers, whom being poore, and desirous to
live free, they were, and be constrayned to fight, with the
ambition of the Princes of Almaine, who being riche, were
able to keepe horse, the which the same people could not do
for povertye. Wherby it grewe, that being on foote, mind
ing to defende them selves from the enemies, that were on
horsebacke, it behooveth them to seeke of the aunciente
orders, and to finde weapons, whiche from the furie of
horses, should defende them : This necessitie hath made
either to be maintayned, or to bee founde of them the
aunciente orders, without whiche, as everye prudente man
affirmeth, the footemen is altogether unprofitable. There
fore, they tooke for their weapon the Pike, a moste profit
able weapon, not only to withstande horses, but to overcome
them : and the Dutchemen have by vertue of these weapons,
and of these orders, taken such boldnesse, that xv. or xx.
thousande of them, will assault the greatest nomber of
horse that maye be : and of this, there hath beene experi
ence enough within this xxv. yeres. And the insamples
of their vertue hath bene so mightie, grounded upon these
weapons, and these orders, that sence King Charles passed
into Italic, everye nation hath imitated them : so that the
Spanish armies, are become into most great reputation.

COSIMO. Which maner of arming, do you praise moste,
either these Dutchemens, or the auncient Romanes ?
64

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

FABRITIO. The Ronmne without doubte, and I will tell THE
you the commoditie, and the discom modi tie of the one, SECOND
and the other. The Dutche footenien, are able to with- BOOKE
stande, and overcome the horses : they bee moste speedie to Whether the
marchc, and to be set in araye, being not laden with Romanes
armours: of the other part, they be subjecte to all blowes, ™™fr™™™e
both far re of, and at hande : because they be unarmed, they better then
bee unprofitable unto the battaile on the lande, and to the arming- of
everye h'ghte, where is strong resistaunce. But the men, that is
Romanes withstoode, and overcame the horses, as well as Jj^ggn0we a
the Dutchemen, they were safe from blowes at hande, and
far re of, being covered with armours : they were also better
able to charge, and better able to sustaine charges, having
Targaettes : they might more aptly in the preace fight with
the swoorde, then these with the Pike, and though the
Dutchemen have likewise swoordes, yet being without
Targaets, they become in suche case unprofitable : The
Romanes might safelye assault townes, having their bodies
cleane covered with armour, and being better able to cover
themselves with their Targaettes. So that they had no
other incommoditie, then the waightynesse of their armours,
and the pain to cary them : the whiche thinges thei over
came, with accustomyng the body to diseases, and with
hardenyng it, to bee able to indure labour. And you
knowe, how that in thinges accustomed, men suffer no grief.
And you have to understand this, that the footemen maie
be constrained, to faight with footemen, and with horse,
and alwaies those be unprofitable, whiche cannot either
sustain the horses, or beyng able to sustain them, have not-
withstandyng neede to feare the footemen, whiche be better
armed, ancl better ordeined then thei. Now if you consider
the Duchemen, and the Romanies, you shall h'nde in the
Duchemen activitie (as we have said) to overcome the
horses, but greate dissavauntage, when thei faighte with
menne, ordeined as thei them selves are, and armed as the
Romaines were : so that there shall be this advauntage more
of the one, then of thother, that the Romaines could over
come the men, and the horses, the Duchemen onely the horses.

I 65

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE COSIMO. I would desire, that you would come to some

SECOND more particulare insample, whereby wee male better under-
BOOKE stande.

FABRICIO. I sale thus, that you shall finde in many places
of our histories, the Remain footemen to have overcome
innumerable horses, and you shall never finde, that thei
have been overcome of men on foote, for default that thei
have had in their armour, or thorowe the vantage that the
enemie hath had in the armours : For that if the maner of
their armyng, should have had defaulte, it had been neces-
sarie, that there should folowe, the one of these twoo
thynges, either that findyng soche, as should arme theim
better then thei, thei should not have gone still forwardes,
with their conquestes, or that thei should have taken the
straungers maners, and should have left their owne, and for
that it folowed not in the one thing, nor in the other, there
groweth that ther male be easely conjectured, that the
maner of their armyng, was better then thesame of any
other. It is not yet thus happened to the Duchemen, for
that naughtie profe, hath ben seen made them, when soever
thei have chaunsed to faight with men on foote prepared,
and as obstinate as thei, the whiche is growen of the
vauntage, whiche thesame have incountred in thenemies
armours. Philip Vicecounte of Milaine, being assaulted of
xviii. thousande Suizzers, sent against theim the Counte
Carminvola, whiche then was his capitaine. He with sixe
thousande horse, and a fewe footemen, went to mete with
them, and incounteryng theim, he was repulsed with his
moste greate losse : wherby Carminvola as a prudente man,
knewe straight waie the puisaunce of the enemies weapons,
anc^ ^ow mocne against the horses thei prevailed, and the
debilitie of the horses, againste those on foote so appoincted :
and gatheryng his men together again, he went to finde the
have, againste Suizzers, and so sone as he was nere them, he made his men
e unai \ . of armeSj |-o a Jjght frOm their horse, and in thesame maner
Car^inlok faightyng with them he slue theim all, excepte three thou-
against the sande : the whiche seyng them selves to consume, without
Duchemen. havyng reamedy,castyng their weapons to the grounde, yelded .
66

An ensample
whiche
proveth that
horsemen
with staves,
cannot pre-
vaile against

what great
advauntage
the armed

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

COSIMO. Whereof cometh so moche disavauntage ? THE

FABRICIO. I have a little afore tolde you, but seyng that SECOND
you have not understoode it, I will rehearse it againe. BOOKE
The Duchemcn (as a little before I saied unto you) as it
were unarmed, to defende themselves, have to otfende, the
Pike and the swearde : thei come with these weapons, and
with their orders to finde the enemies, whom if thei bee well
armed, to defende theim selves, as were the menne of armes
of Carminvola, whiche made theim a lighte on foote, thei
come with the sweard, and in their orders to find them, and
have no other difficultie, then to come nere to the Suix/ers,
so that thei maie reche them with the sweard, for that so
sone as thei have gotten unto them, thei faight safely : for
asmoche as the Duch man, cannot strike thenemie with the
Pike, whom is upon him, for the length of the staffe, where
fore it is conveniente for hym, to put the hande to the
sweard, the whiche to hym is unprofitable, he beyng
unarmed, and havyng against hym an enemie, that is all
armed. Whereby he that considereth the vantage, and the
disavantage of the one, and of the other, shall see, how the
unarmed, shall have no maner of remeady, and the over-
commyng of the firste faight, and to passe the firste poinctes
of the Pikes, is not moche difficulte, he that faighteth beyng
well armed : for that the battailes go (as you shall better The l.attailes
understande, when I have shewed you, how thei are set when thei are
together) and incounteryng the one 'the other, of necessitie J faightyng,
thei thrust together, after soche sorte, that thei take the
one thother by the bosome, and though by the Pikes some
bee slaine, or overthrowen, those that remain on their feete,
be so many, that thei suffice to obtaine the victorie. Hereof
it grewe, that Carminvola overcame them, with so greate
slaughter of the Sui//ers, and with little losse of his.

COSIMO. Consider that those of Carminvola, were men of
armes, whom although thei wer on foote, thei were covered
all with stele, and therefore thei wer able to make the
profe thei did : so that me thinkes, that a power ought
to be armed as thei, mindyng to make the verie same
profe.

67

THE
SECOND
BOOKE

How to arme
men, and
what weapons
to appoincte
theim, after
the Romaine
maner, and
Duche facion.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

FABRICIO. If you should remember, how I tolde you the
Romanies were armed, you would not thynke so: for as
moche as a manne, that hath the hedde covered with Iron,
the breaste defended of a Corselet, and of a Targaet, the
armes and the legges armed, is moche more apt to defende
hymself from the Pike, and to enter emong them, then
a man of armes on foote. I wil give you a little of a late
ensample. There wer come out of Cicelie, into the kyng-
dome of Naples, a power of Spaniardes, for to go to finde
Consalvo, who was besieged in Barlet, of the Frenchemen :
there made against theim Mounsier de Vhigni, with his
menne of armes, and with aboute fower thousande Duche-
men on foote : The Duchemen incountered with their Pikes
lowe, and thei opened the power of the Spaniardes : but
those beyng holp, by meane of their bucklers and of the
agiletie of their bodies, mingled togethers with the Duche
men, so that thei might reche them with the swearde,
whereby happened the death, almoste of all theim, and the
victorie to the Spaniardes. Every man knoweth, how many
Duchemen were slaine in the battaile of Ravenna, the
whiche happened by the verie same occasion : for that the
Spanishe souldiours, got them within a swerdes length of
the Duche souldiours, and thei had destroied them all, if
of the Frenche horsemen, the Duchemen on foote, had not
been succored : notwithstandyng, the Spaniardes close
together, brought themselves into a safe place. I conclude
therefore, that a good power ought not onely to be able, to
withstande the horses, but also not to have fear of menne
on foote, the which (as I have many tymes saied) procedeth
of the armours, and of the order.

COSIMO. Tell therefore, how you would arme them ?

FABRICIO. I would take of the Romaine armours, and of
the Duchemennes weapons, and I would that the one
haulfe, should bee appoincted like the Romaines, and the
other haulfe like the Duchemen : for that if in sixe
thousande footemen (as I shall tell you a little hereafter)
I should have thre thousande men with Targaettes, after
the Remain maner, and two thousande Pikes, and a thou-

68

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

sand Harkebutters, after the Duche facion, thei should
suffice me : for that I would place the Pikes, either in the
fronte of the battaile, or where I should feare moste the
horses, and those with the Targaetes and sweardes, shall
serve me to make a backe to the Pikes, and to winne the
battaile, as I shall shewe you : so that I beleeve, that
a power thus ordayned, should overcome at this daye, any
other power.

COSIMO. This which hath beene saide, sufficeth concerning
footemen, but concerning horsemen, wee desire to under
stand, which you thinke more stronger armed, either ours,
or the antiquitie.

FA Bit mo. I beleeve that in these daies, having respect to
the Saddelles bolstered, and to the stiroppes not used of the
antiquitie, they stande more stronglye on horsebacke, then
in the olde time : I thinke also they arme them more sure :
so that at this daye, a bande of men of armes, parsing very
niuche, commeth to be with more difficultie withstoode, then
were the horsemen of old time : notwithstanding for all this,
I judge, that there ought not to be made more accompt of
horses, then in olde time was made, for that (as afore is
sayde) manye times in our dayes, they have with the foote
men receyved shame and shall receyve alwayes, where they
incounter, with a power of footemen armed, and ordered,
as above hath bene declared. Tigrane king of Armenia, had
ugainste the armie of the Romanes, wherof was Capitayne

Lucullo, CL. thousande horsemen, aiiion<rest the whiche,

i 1.1 f * i • , tl

were many armed, like unto our men of armes, winch they

called Catafratti, and of the other parte, the Romanes were
about sixe thousande, with xxv. thousand footemen : so that
Tigrane seeing the armie of the enemies, saide : these be
horses enough for an imbassage: notwithstanding, incoun-
tering together, he was overthrowen : and he that write th
of the same fighte, disprayseth those Catafratti, declaring
them to be unprofitable ; for that hee sayeth, because they
had their faces covered, they had muche a doe to see, and
to offende the enemie, and they falling, being laden with
armour, coulde not rise up again, nor welde themselves in

(J9

THE
SECOND
BOOKE

The victorie
°* Lucullo,

king

f Armenia.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE any maner to prevaile. I say therefore, that those people

SECOND or kino-domes, whiche shall esteeme more the power of horses,

BOOKE then the power of footemen be alwaies weake, and subjecte

to all ruine, as by Italic hath been seene in our time, the

whiche hath beene taken, ruinated, and over run with

straungers, through not other fault, then for having taken

litle care, of the service on foote, and being brought the

souldiours therof, all on horsebacke. Yet there ought to

For what bee had horses, but for seconde, and not for firste founda-

purpose hors- j.jon of an armje . for that to make a discovery, to over run,

men be most ^ , j ,1 • , • i

requisite. an" to "estroy the enemies countne, and to keepe troubled

and disquieted, the armie of the same, and in their armours

alwayes, to let them of their victuals, they are necessary,

and most profitable : but concerning for the daye of battaile,

and for the fighte in the fielde, whiche is the importaunce

of the warre, and the ende, for which the armies are

ordeined, they are more meeter to follow the enemie being

discomfited then to do any other thing which in the same

is to be done, and they bee in comparison, to the footemen

much inferiour.

Cosmo. There is happened unto mee twoo doubtes, the
one, where I knowe, that the Parthians dyd not use in the
warre, other then horses, and yet they devided the worlde
with the Romanes : the other is, that I woulde that you
should shewe, howe the horsemen can be withstoode of
footemen, and wherof groweth the strength of these, and
the debilitie of those ?

FABRITIO. Either I have tolde you, or I minded to tell
you, howe that my reasoning of the affaires of warre, ought
not to passe the boundes of Europe : when thus it is, I am
not bounde unto you, to make accompte of the same, which
is used in Asia, yet I muste save unto you thus, that the
warring of the Parthians, was altogether contrarye, to the
same of the Romanes : for as muche as the Parthians,
warred all on horsebacke, and in the fight, they proceeded
confusedlye, and scattered, and it was a maner of fighte
unstable, and full of uncertaintie. The Romanes were (it
maye be sayde) almoste al on foote, and thei fought close
70

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

together and sure, and thei overcame diversly, the one the THE
other, according to the largenesse, or straightnesse of the SECOND
situacion: for that in this the Romanies were superiours, in BOOKE
thesame the Parthians, whom might make greate proofe,
with thesame maner of warryng, consideryng the region,
whiche tliei had to defende, the which was rnoste large :
for as moche as it hath the sea coaste, distant a thousande
miles, the rivers thone from thother, twoo or three daies
journey, the tounes in like maner and the inhabitauntes
fewe : so that a Romaine armie heavie and slowe, by meanes
of their armoures, and their orders, could not over run it,
without their grevous hurt (those that defended it, being
on horsebacke mooste expedite) so that thei were to daie
in one place, and to morowe distaunt fiftie miles. Hereof
it grewe, that the Parthians might prevaile with their
chivalrie onely, bothe to the mine of the armie of Crassus,
and to the perill of thesame, of Marcus Antonius : but I
(as I have told you) doe not intende in this my reasonyng,
to speake of the warfare out of Europe, therfore I will stand
upon thesame, whiche in times past, the Romanies ordained,
and the Grekes, and as the Duchemen doe now adaies. But
let us se to the other question of yours, where vou desire
to understande, what order, or what naturall vertue makes,
that the footemen overcome the horsmen. And I saie unto
you first that the horses cannot go, as the footmen in every
place: Thei are slower then the footemen to obeie, when The reason
it is requisite to alter the order : for as moche, as if it wjiy footmen
be nedefull, either goyng forward, to turne backwarde, or are able to
tournyng backwarde, to go forwarde, or to move themselves horsemen,
standing stil, or goyng to stand still, without doubt, the
horsemen cannot dooe it so redilie as the footemen : the
horsemen cannot, being of some violence, disordained, re-
turne in their orders, but with difficultie, although thesame
violence cease, the whiche the footemen dooe moste easel v
and quickly. Besides this, it hnppeneth many tymes, that a
bardie manne shall be upon a vile horse, and a coward upon
a good, whereby it foloweth, that this evill matchyng of
stomackes, makes disorder. Nor no man doeth marvel 1, that

71

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE a bande of footemenne, susteineth all violence of horses:
SECOND for that a horse is a beaste, that hath sence, and knoweth
BOOKE the perilles, and with an ill will, will enter in them : and
if you consider, what force maketh theim go forwarde, and
what holdeth them backwarde, you shall se without doubt,
thesame to be greater, whiche kepeth them backe, then that
whiche maketh them go forwardes : For that the spurre
maketh theim go forwarde, and of the other side, either the
swearde, or the Pike, kepeth theim backe : so that it hath
been seen by the olde, and by the late experience, a bande
of footemen to bee moste safe, ye, invinsible for horses.
And if you should argue to this, that the heate, with
whiche thei come, maketh theim more furious to incounter,
who that would withstande them, and lesse to regard the
Pike, then the spurre : I saie, that if the horse so disposed,
begin to see, that he must run upon the poincte of the
Pike, either of himself, he wil refrain the course so that
so sone as he shall feele himself pricked, he will stande still
atones, or beeyng come to theim, he will tourne on the
right, or on the lefte hande. Whereof if you wil make
experience, prove to run a horse against a walle : you shall
finde fewe, with what so ever furie he come withall, will
strike against it. Cesar havyng in Fraunce, to faighte with
the Suizzers, a lighted, and made every manne a light on
foote, and to avoide from the araies, the horses, as a thyng
more meete to flie, then to faight. But notwithstandyng
these naturall impedimentes, whiche horses have, thesame
How footmen Capitaine, whiche leadeth the footemen, ought to chuse
male save waies, whiche have for horse, the moste impedimentes that
from horse- ma^c Dec? an(^ seldome tymes it happeneth, but that a manne
men> maie save hymself, by the qualitie of the countrie : for that

if thou marche on the hilles, the situacion doeth save thee
from thesame furie, whereof you doubt, that thei go withall
in the plain, fewe plaines be, whiche through the tillage,
or by meanes of the woddes, doe not assure thee: for that
every hillocke, every bancke, although it be but small,
taketh awaie thesame heate, and every culture where bee
Vines, and other trees, lettes the horses : and if thou come
72

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

to battaile, the very same lettes happeneth, that chaunceth in THE
marchyug: for as moche as every little impedemente, that the SECOND
horse hath, abateth his furie. One tliyng notwithstandyng, BOOKE
I will not forgette to tell you, how the Romaines estemed
so moche their orders, and trusted so moche to their weapons,
that if thei shuld have had, to chuse either so rough a
place to save theim selves from horses, where thei should
not have been able, to raunge their orders, or a place where
thei should have nede, to feare more of horses, but ben
able to detf'ende their battaile, alwaies thei toke this, and
left that: but bicause it is tyme, to passe to the armie,
having armed these souldiours, accordyng to the aunciente
and newe use, let us see what exercises the Romaines caused
theim make, before the menne were brought to the battaile.
Although thei be well chosen, and better armed, thei ought
with moste greate studie be exercised, for that without
this exercise, there was never any souldiour good : these
exercises ought to be devided into three partes, the one, for The exercise
to harden the bodie, and to make it apte to take paines, ^^1tdoi°buer8'
and to bee more swifter and more readier, the other, to de°ided into
teach them, how to handell their weapons, the third, for thre purtes.
to learne them to kepe the orders in the armie, as well in
marchyng, as in faightyng, and in the incampyng : The
whiche be three principall actes, that an armie doeth : for
asmoche, as if an armie marche, incampe, and faight with
order, and expertly, the Capitaine leseth not his^honoure,
although the battaile should have no good ende. Therfore,
all thauncient common weales, provided these exercises in
maner, by custome, and by lawe, that there should not be
left behinde any part thereof. Thei exercised then their What exer-
youth, for to make them swift, in runnyng, to make theim ^J^1®
readie, in leapyng, for to make them strong, in throwyng JJmmoll
the barre, or in wrestlyng : and these three qualities, be as wealesused to
it were necessarie in souldiours. For that swiftnesse, maketh exercise their
theim apte to possesse places, before the enemie, and to come y°u*h '"
to them unloked for, and at unwares to pursue them, when *oditie in~_
thei are discomfaicted : the readinesse, maketh theim apte sued thereby.
to avoide a bio we, to leape over a diche, to winne a
K 73

THE
SECOND
BOOKE

How the

antiquitie,
learned their
yong sol-
diours, to
handell their
weapons.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

banke : strength, maketh them the better able to beare their
armours, to incounter the enemie, to withstande a violence.
And above all, to make the bodie the more apte to take
paines, thei used to beare greate burthens, the whiche
custome is necessarie : for that in difficulte expedicions, it
is requisite many tymes, that the souldiour beside his
armours, beare vitualles for many daies, and if he were
not accustomed to this labour, he could not dooe it : and
without this, there can neither bee avoided a perill, nor a
victorie gotten with fame. Concernyng to learne how to
handell the weapons, thei exercised theim, in this maner :
thei would have the yong menne, to put on armour, whiche
should waie twise as moche, as their field armour, and
in stede of a swearde, thei gave them a cudgell leaded,
whiche in comparison of a verie swearde in deede, was moste
heavie; thei made for every one of them, a poste to be set
up in the ground, which should be in height twoo yardes
and a quarter, and in soche maner, and so strong, that
the blowes should not slur nor hurle it doune, against the
whiche poste, the yong man with a targaet, and with the
cudgell, as against an enemie did exercise, and some whiles
he stroke, as though he would hurte the hedde, or the face,
somewhile he retired backe, an other while he made fore-
warde : and thei had in this exercise, this advertisment,
to make theim apt to cover theim selves, and to hurte
the enemie : and havyng the counterfaight armours moste
heavy, their ordinarie armours semed after unto them more
lighter. The Romaines, would that their souldiours should
hurte with the pricke, and not with the cutte, as well
bicause the pricke is more mortalle, and hath lesse defence,
as also to thentent, that he that should hurt, might lye
the lesse open, and be more apt to redouble it, then with
cuttes. Dooe not marvaile that these auncient men, should
thinke on these small thynges, for that where the incounter-
yng of men is reasoned of, you shall perceive, that every
little vauntage, is of greate importaunce : and I remember
you thesame, whiche the writers of this declare, rather then
I to teache you. The antiquitie estemed nothing more
74

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

happie, in a common wcale, then to be in thesanic, many THE
men exercised in armes : bicause not the shining of precious SECOND
stones and of golde, maketh that the enemies submit them- HOOKE
selves unto thee, but onely the fear of the weapons : after- What
warde, the errours whiche are made in other thynges, maie thantiquitie
sometymes be corrected, but those whiche are dooen in the f*temedinos
warre, the paine straight waie commyng on, cannot be con/mon" *
amended. Besides that, the knowlege to faight, maketh weale.
men more bold, bicause no man feareth to doe that thing,
which he thinketh to have learned to dooe. The antiquitie
would therefore, that their Citezeins should exercise them
selves, in all marcial feates, and thei made them to throwe
against thesame poste, dartes moche hevier then the ordi-
narie : the whiche exercise, besides the makyng men expert
in throwyng, maketh also the arme more nimble, and moche
stronger. Thei taught them also to shote in the long bowe,
to wliorle with the sling: and to all these thynges, thei Monster
appoincted maisters, in soche maner, that after when thei Maisters, for
were chosen for to go to the warre, thei were now with mynde
and disposicion, souldiours. Nor there remained them to
learn other, then to go in the orders, and to maintain them
selves in those, either marchyng, or faightyng : The whiche
moste easely thei learned, mingeling themselves with those,
whiche had long tyme served, whereby thei knewe how to
stande in the orders.

COSIMO. What exercises would you cause theim to make
at this present ?

FABRICIO. A good many of those, whiche have been de- The exercises
clared, as runnyng, and wrestlyng, makyng theim to leape, that souldiers
makyng theim to labour in armours, moche heavier then ought tomake
the ordinarie, making them shoote with Crosse bowes, and "
longe bowes, whereunto I would joyne the harkabus, a
newe instrument (as you kno\v)verie necessarie, and to these
exercises I would use, al the youth of my state, but with
greater Industrie, and more sollicitatenesse thesame parte,
whiche I should have alreadie appoincted to serve, and
alwaies in the idell daies, thei should bee exercised. I
would also that thei should learne to swimme, the whiche

75

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE is a thyng verie profitable : for that there be not alwaies,

SECOND bridges over rivers, boates be not alwaies readie : so that

BOOKE thy army not knowyng howe to swime, remaineth de-

The exercise prived of many commodities : and many occasions to woorke

of swimmyng. well, is taken awaie. The Romaines for none other cause

had ordained, that the yong men should exercise them

selves in Campus Martius, then onely, for that havyng

Tiber, is a Tiber at hande, thei might, beyng weried with the exercise

river runnyng on lande, refreshe theim selves in the water, and partly in

throughRome swjmmyncp to exercise them selves. I would make also, as

the water ,• •,• .1 1-1 i ij i

wher of will the antiquitie, those whiche should serve on horsebacke to

never cor- exercise, the whiche is moste necessarie, for that besides to
rupte. know how to ride, thei muste knowe how on horsebacke,

Thexercise thei maie prevaile of them selves. And for this thei had
of vautyng, ordeined horses of wood, upon the which thei practised, to
moditie " " leaPe by armed, and unarmed, without any helpe, and on
thereof. every hande : the whiche made, that atones, and at a beck

of a capital n, the horsmen were on foote, and likewise at
a token, thei mounted on horsebacke. And soche exercises,
bothe on foote and on horsebacke, as thei were then easie
to bee doen, so now thei should not be difficult to thesame
common weale, or to thesame prince, whiche would cause
them to be put in practise of their yong men. As by ex
perience is seen, in certairie citees of the Weste countrie,
An order that where is kepte a live like maners with this order. Thei
is taken in devide all their inhabiters into divers partes : and every
certain coun- parte thei name of the kinde of those weapons, that thei

^" USe in the WaTTe' And f°F that thei USe PikeS> Halbardes»
Bowes, and Harkebuses, thei call them Pike menne, Hal
berd ers, Harkebutters, and Archars: Therefore, it is mete
for all the inhabiters to declare, in what orders thei will be
appoincted in. And for that all men, either for age, or
for other impedimentes, be not fitte for the warre, every
order maketh a choise of men, and thei call them the sworen,
whom in idell daies, be bounde to exercise themselves in
those weapons, wherof thei be named : and every manne
hath his place appoincted hym of the cominaltie. where soche
exercise ought to be made : and those whiche be of the-
76

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

same order, but not of the sworen, are contributaries with THE
their money, to thesame expenses, whiche in soche exercises SECOND
be necessarie : thertbre thesame that thei doe, we maie doe. BOOKE
But our smal prudence dooeth not suffre us, to take any
good waie. Of these exercises there grewe, that the anti-
quitie had good souldiours, and that now those of the Weste,
bee better men then ours : for as moche as the antiquitie
exercised them, either at home (as those common weales doe)
or in the armies, as those Emperours did, for thoccasions
aforesaied : but we, at home will not exercise theim, in
Campe we cannot, bicause thei are not our subjectes, and
for that we are not able to binde them to other exercises
then thei them selves liste to doe: the whiche occacion
hath made, that firste the armies bee neclected, and after,
the orders, and that the kyngdomes, and the common \veales,
in especially Italians, live in soche debilitie. But let us
tourne to our order, and folowyng this matter of exercises,
I saie, how it suffiseth not to make good armies, for liavyng
hardened the men, made them strong, swift, and handsome, What know-
where it is nedefull also, that thei learne to stande in the Jt>re a kS()ul~
orders, to obeie to signes, to soundes, and to the voice of to°have 1
the capitain : to knowe, standyng, to retire them selves,
goyng forwardes, botlie faightyng, and marchyng to main
tain those : bicause without this knowlege, withal serious
diligence observed, and practised, there was never armie
good : and without doubt, the fierce and disordered menne,
bee moche more weaker, then the fearfull that are ordered,
for that thorder driveth awaie from men feare, the disorder
abateth fiercenesse. And to the entente you maie the better
perceive that, whiche here folowyng shalbe declared, you
have to understande, how every nation, in the orderyng of
their men to the warre, have made in their hoste, or in
their armie, a principall member, the whiche though thei
have varied with the name, thei have little varied with
the nomber of the menne : for that thei all have made it,
betwene sixe and viii. M. men. This nomber of men was
called of the Romanies, a Legion, of Grekes a Fallange, of
Frerichemen Caterva : this verie same in our tyme of the

77

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE Suizzers, whom onely of the auncient warfare, kepe some
SECOND shadowe, is called in their tongue that, whiche in ours
BOOKE signifieth the maine battaile. True it is, that every one
of them, hath after devided it, accordyng to their purposes.
Therefore me thinkes beste, that wee grounde our talke,
upon this name moste knowen, and after, according to the
aunciente, and to the orders now adaies, the beste that is
possible to ordaine it: and bicause the Romaines devided
A Cohorte is a their Legion, whiche was made betwene five and sixe
bandeofmeu. thousande men, in ten Cohortes, I will that wee devide
Of what our maine battaile, into ten battailes, and that we make

nomberandof j^ of sjxe thousande menne on foote, and we will give to
what kind of e battaile, CCCC1. men, of whiche shall be, CCCC.

weapons T armed with heavie armour, and L. with light armour: the
mainebattaile heavie armed, shall be, CCC. Targettes with sweardes, and
ought to bee, shalbe called Target men : and C. with Pikes, whiche shalbe
and the distri- c&ne& Ordinarie Pikes : the light armed shalbe, L. men
appomctynff armed with Harkabuses, Crosse bowes, and Partisans, and
of thesame smal Targaettes, and these by an aunciente name, were called
Veliti are ordinarie Veliti : all the ten battailes therefore, comes to
light armed have three thousande Targaet men, a thousande ordinarie
men. Pikes, CCCC. ordinarie Veliti, all whiche make the nomber

of fower thousande and five hundred men. And we saied,
that we would make the maine battaile of sixe thousande :
therefore there must be added an other thousande, five
hundred men, of the whiche I will appoinct a thousande
with Pikes, whom I will call extraordinarie Pikes, and five
hundred light armed, whom I will call extraordinarie Veliti :
and thus my menne should come (as a little before I have
saied) to bee made halfe of Targaetes, and halfe of Pikes
and other weapons. I would appoincte to everie battaile, or
Thecapitaines bande of men, a Conestable, fower Centurions, and fouretie
that ar ap- peticapitaines, and moreover a hedde to the ordinarie Veliti,
poincted to wifch five peticapitaines : I would give to the thousande
extraordinarie Pikes, three Conestabelles, ten Centurions,
and a hundred peticapitaines: to thextraordinarie Veliti,
two Conestabelles, v. Centurions, and 1. peticapitaines: I
would then apoinct a generall lied, over all the main
78

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

battaile: I would that every Conestable should have an THE
Ansigne, and a Drum. Thus there should be made a SECOND
maine battaile of ten battailes, of three thousande Targaet BOOKE
men, of a thousande ordinarie Pikes, of a thousande extra-
ordinarie, of live hundred ordinarie Veliti, of five hundred
extraordinarie, so there should come to bee sixe thousande
men, emongeste the whiche there should bee M.D. peticapi-
taines, and moreover, xv. Conestables, with xv. Drummes,
and xv. Ansignes, Iv. Centurions, x. heddes of the ordinarie
Veliti, and a Capitaine over all the maine battaile, with his
Ansigne and Drume : and I have of purpose repeated this
order the oftener, to the intent, that after when I shall shewe
you, the maners of orderyng the battailes, and tharmies, you
should not be confounded : I saie therefore, how that, that
king, or that common weale, whiche intendeth to ordeine
their subjectes to armes, ought to appoincte theim with
these armoures and weapons, and with these partes, and
to make in their countrie so many maine battailes, as it
were able : and when thei should have ordained them,
according to the forsaid distribucion, minding to exercise
them in the orders, it should suffice to exercise every battaile
by it self: and although the nomber of the men", of every
one of them, cannot by it self, make the facion of a juste
armie, notwithstanding, every man maie learne to dooe thc-
same, whiche particularly appertained unto hym : for that Twoo orders
in the armies, twoo orders is observed, the one, thesame ol>s*'rved in
that the men ought to doe in every battaile, and the other
that, whiche the battaile ought to doe after, when it is
with the other in an armie. And those men, whiche doe
wel the first, mooste easely maie observe the seconde : But
without knowyng thesame, thei can never come to the
knowlege of the seconde. Then (as I have saied) every
one of these battailes, maie by them selves, learne to kepe
the orders of the araies, in every qualitie of movyng, and
of place, and after learne to put them selves together*, to
understande the soundes, by meanes wherof in the faight
thei are commaunded, to learne to know by that, as the
Gallies by the whissell. what ought to be doen, either to

79

an arniu'.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE stande still, or to tourne forward, or to tourne backwarde,

SECOND or whiche waie to tourne the weapons, and the face : so

BOOKE that knowyng how to kepe well the araie, after soche sorte,

that neither place nor movyng maie disorder them, under-

standyng well the commaundementes of their heddes, by

meanes of the sounde, and knowyng quickly, how to re-

tourne into their place, these battailes maie after easly

(as I have said) beyng brought many together, learne to

do that, whiche all the body together, with the other

battailes in a juste armie, is bounde to dooe. And bicause

soche universail practise, is also not to bee estemed a little,

ones or twise a yere, when there is peace, all the main

battaile maie be brought together, to give it the facion

of an whole armie, some daies exercisyng theim, as though

thei should faight a fielde, settyng the fronte, and the

sides with their succours in their places. And bicause a

capitaine ordeineth his hoste to the fielde, either for coumpte

of the enemie he seeth, or for that, of whiche without seyng

he doubteth, he ought to exercise his armie in the one

maner, and in the other, and to instructe theim in soche

How a captain sorte, that thei maie knowe how to marche, and to faight,

muste in- when nede should require, the wyng to his souldiours, how

structe his ^^ should gOVerne theim selves, when thei should happen

how theY8 to be assaulted of this, or of that side : and where he ought

ought to to instructe theim how to faight againste the enemie, whom

governethem- thei should see: he must shewe them also, how the faight

selves in the ig begun^ and where thei ought to retire: being overthrowen,

who hath to succeade in their places, to what signes, to

what soundes, to what voices, thei ought to obeie, and to

practise them in soche wise in the battaile, and with fained

assaultes, that thei may desire the verie thyng in deede.

For that an armie is not made coragious, bicause in thesame

be hardie menne, but by reason the orders thereof bee well

appoincted : For as moche as if I be one of the first

faighters, and do knowe, beyng overcome, where I maie

retire, and who hath to succeade in my place, I shall alwaies

faight with boldnes, seing my succour at hand. If I shall

be*one of the seconde faighters, the first being driven backe,

80

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

and overthrowen, I shall not bee afraied, for that I shall THE
have presuposed that I male bee, and I shall have desire to SECOND
be thesame, whiche male give the victory to my maister, BOOKE
and not to bee any of the other. These exercises bee moste
necessarie, where an armie is made of newe, and where the
old armie is, thei bee also necessarie: for that it is also seen,
how the Romaines knew from their infancie, thorder of
their armies, notwithstandyng, those capitaines before thei
should come to thenemie, continually did exercise them in
those. And Josephus in his historic saieth, that the con-
tinuall exercises of the Romaine armies, made that all
thesame multitude, whiche folowe the campe for gain, was
in the daie of battaile profitable : bicause thei all knewe,
how to stande in the orders, and to faight kepyng the same :
but in the armies of newe men, whether thou have putte
theim together, to faight straight waie, or that thou make
a power to faight, when neede requires, without these exer
cises, as well of the battailes severally by themselves, as
of all the armie, is made nothing : wherefore the orders
beyng necessarie, it is conveniente with double industrie
and laboure, to shewe them unto soche as knoweth them
not, and for to teache it, many excellent capitaines have
travailed, without any respecte.

COSIMO. My thinkes that this reasoning, hath sumwhat
transported you : for asmoche. as havyng not yet declared
the waies, with the whiche the battailes bee exercised,
you have reasoned of the whole armie, and of the daie
of battaile.

FABRICIO. You saie truth, but surely thoccasion hath
been the affection, whiche I beare to these orders, and the
grief that I feele, sevng thei be not put in use : notwithstand
ing, doubt not but that I will tourne to the purpose : as I
have saied, the chief importaunce that is in thexercise of The chief im-
the battailes, is to knowe how to kepe well the arraies : and portance in
bicause I tolde you that one of these battailes, ought to bee ^e ^Xfe
made of fowcr hundred men heavie armed, I wil staie my of men.
self upon this nomber. Thei ought then to be brought
into Ixxx. rankes, and five to a ranke : afterward govng

L 81

THE
SECOND
BOOKE

Three priuci-
pall facions for
thorderyng

how t^bryng

a bande of
men into
hattaile raie

f-icicnT

THE ARTE OF WARRE

fast, or softly, to knit them together, and to lose them :
the whiche how it is dooen, maie bee shewed better with
deedes, then with wordes. Which nedeth not gretly to be
taught, for that every marine, whom is practised in servise
of warre, knoweth how this order procedeth, whiche is good
for no other, then to use the souldiours to keepe the raie :
but let us come to putte together one of these battailes, I
saie, that there is given them three facions principally, the
firste, and the moste profitablest is, to make al massive, and
^o gjve j^ tne facion of two squares, the second is, to make

ii: sciuare with the front horned' the thirde is' to make ii:

with a voide space in the middest : the maner to put men
together in the first facion, maie be of twoo sortes, thone
is to double the rankes, that is, to make the seconde ranke
enter into the first, the iiii. into the third, the sixt into
tne fif^ an(j so fOOrth, so that where there was Ixxx. rankes,
five to a ranke? tnei maie become xl- rankes, x. to a ranke.
Afterward cause theim to double ones more in thesame
maner, settyng the one ranke into an other, and so there
shall remain twentie rankes, twentie men to a ranke : this
maketh twoo squares aboute, for as moche as albeit that
there bee as many men the one waie, as in the other, not-
withstandyng to wardes the hedde, thei joine together, that
the one side toucheth the other: but by the other waie,
thei be distant the one from the other, at least a yarde
and a haulfe, after soche sorte, that the square is moche
longer, from the backe to the fronte, then from the one
side to thother : and bicause we have at this presente, to
speake often of the partes afore, of behinde, and of the
sides of these battailes, and of all the armie together, knowe
you, that when I saie either hedde or fronte, I meane the
parte afore, when I shall saie backe, the part behind, when
I shall saie flankes, the partes on the sides. The fiftie
ordinarie veliti of the battaile, muste not mingle with the
other rankes, but so sone as the battaile is facioned, thei
shalbe set a long by the flankes therof. The other waie
to set together the battaile is this, and bicause it is better
then the firste, I will set it before your ives juste, how it
82

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

ought to bee ordeined. I beleve that you remember of THE
what nomber of menne, of what hedcles it is made, and of SECOND
what armours thei are armed: then the facion, that this BOOKE
battaile ought to have, is (as I have saied) of twentie rankes, The better
twentie men to a ranke, five rankes of Pikes in the front, and waie for the
fiftene rankes of Targaettes on the backe, twoo Centurions °rdrill£ofa
standing in the fronte, twoo behinde on the backe, who shall fn^attau?11
execute the office of those, whiche the antiquitie called raiej after the
Tergiductori. The Conestable with the Ansigne, and with first facion.
the Drumme, shall stande in thesame space, that is be-
twene the five rankes of the Pikes, and the fiftene of the
Targaettes. Of the Peticapitaines, there shall stande one
upon every side of the ranckes, so that every one, maie have
on his side his men, those peticapitaines, whiche shalbe on
the left hande, to have their men on the right hand, those
Peticapitaines, whiche shall be on the right hand, to have
their menne on the left hande : The fiftie Veliti, muste
stande a long the flankes, and on the backe of the battaile.
To mvnde now, that this battaile maie be set together in
this facion, the men goyng ordinarily, it is convenient to
order them thus. Make the men to be brought into Ixxx.
rankes, five to a ranke, as a little afore we have said, leavyng
the Veliti either at the hedde, or at the taile, so that thei
stande out of this order: and it ought to be ordeined, that
every Centurion have behinde his back twentie rankes, and
to bee nexte behinde every Centurion, five rankes of Pikes,
and the reste Targaettes. The Conestable shall stande
with the Drum, and the Ansigne, in thesame space, whiche
is betwene the Pikes, and the Targaettes of the seconde
Centurion, and to occupie the places of three Targaette
men. Of the Peticapitaines, twentie shall stand on the
sides of the rankes, of the first Centurion, on the lefte
hande, and twentie shall stande on the sides of the rankes,
of the last Centurion on the right hande. And you muste
understande, that the Peticapitaine, whiche hath to leade
the Pikes, ought to have a Pike, and those that leade the
Targaettes, ought to have like weapons. Then the rankes
bcyng brought into this order, and mindvng in march vug,

83

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE to bryng them into battaile, for to make the hedde, the
SECOND first Centurion must be caused to stande still, with the
BOOKE firste twentie rankes, and the seconde to proceade marchyng,
and tournyng on the right hand, he must go a long the
sides of the twentie rankes that stande still, till he come
to bee even with the other Centurion, where he must
also stande still, and the thirde Centurion to precede
marchyng, likewise tournyng on the right hand, and a
long the sides of the rankes that stande still, must go so
farre, that he be even with the other twoo Centurions, and
he also standyng still, the other Centurion must folowe
with his rankes, likewise tournyng on the right hande, a
longe the sides of the rankes that stande still, so farre
that he come to the bed of the other, and then to stand
still, and straight waie twoo Centurions onely, shall depart
from the front, and go to the backe of the battaile, the
whiche cometh to bee made in thesame maner, and with
thesame order juste, as a little afore I have shewed you.
The Veliti muste stande a long, by the flankes of thesame,
accordyng as is disposed in the first waie, whiche waie is
called redoublyng by right line, this is called redoublyng
by flanke : the first waie is more easie, this is with better
order, and commeth better to passe, and you maie better
correcte it, after your owne maner, for that in redoublyng
by righte line, you muste bee ruled by the nomber, bicause
five maketh ten, ten twentie, twentie fourtie, so that with
redoublyng by right line, you cannot make a hedde of fiftene,
nor of five and twentie, nor of thirtie, nor of five and thirtie,
but you must go where thesame nomber will leade you.
And yet it happeneth every daie in particulare affaires, that
it is convenient to make the forwarde with sixe hundred, or
eight hundred men, so that to redouble by right line, should
disorder you: therefore this liketh me better : that difficultie
that is, ought moste with practise, and with exercise to bee
made easie. Therefore I saie unto you, how it importeth
more then any thyng, to have the souldiours to know how-
to set themselves in araie quickly, and it is necessarie to
keepe theim in this battaile, to exercise theim therin, and
84

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

to make them to go apace, either forward or backward, to THE
passe through difficulte places, without troublyng thorder : SECOND
for asmoche as the souldiours, whiche can doe this well, be BOOKE
expert souldiours, and although tliei have never seen enemies
in the face, thei maie be called old souldiours, and contrari
wise, those whiche cannot keepe these orders, though thei
have been in a thousande warres, thei ought alwaies to be
reputed new souldiours. This is, concerning setting them
together, when thei are marching in small rankes : but
beyng set, and after beyng broken by some accident or
chaunce, whiche groweth either of the situacion, or of the
enemie, to make that in a sodaine, thei maie come into
order againe, this is the importaunce and the ditficultie,
and where is nedefull moche exercise, and moche practise,
and wherin the antiquitie bestowed moche studio. There
fore, it is necessarie to doe twoo thynges, firste to have this
battaile full of countersignes, the other, to keepe alwaies
this order, that those same men maie stand alwaies in the
ranke, which thei were firste placed in : as for insample, if How to exer-
one have begon to stande in the seconde, that he stande cise men> and
after alwaie in that, and not onely in that self same rancke, ord^Vhe'rt
but in that self same place : for the observyng whereof ^hancUf men
(as I have saied) bee necessarie many countersignes. In that were
especially it is requisite, that the Ansigne bee after soche by whatsoever
sorte countersigned, that companyng with the other battailes, ch?ncf £™
it maie be knowen from theim, accordyng as the Conestable, gtraighte wai
and the Centurions have plumes of fethers in their heddes be brought
differente, and easie to be knowen, and that whiche im- illto order
porteth moste, is to ordaine that the peticapitaines bee a£aine-
knowen. Whereunto the antiquitie had so moche care,
that thei would have nothing els written in tlu-ir lied do
peces, but the nomber that thei were named bv, callyng
them firste, seconde, thirde, and fourthe xc. And vet thei
were not contented with this, but made every souldiour to
have written in his Targaet, the nomber of the ranke, and
the nomber of the place, in whiche ranke he was appoincted.
Then the menne being countersigned thus, and used to
stande betwene these li mites, it is an easie thyng, tht-i

85

THE
SECOND
BOOKE

What adver
tisement
ought to bee
used in tourn-
ing ahout a
whole bande
of menne,
after soche
sorte, as
though it were
but one bodie.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

beyng disordered, to sett theim all againe quickly into
order : considering, that the Ansigne standyng still, the
Centurions, and the Peticapitaines maie gesse their places
by the iye, and beyng brought the left of the left, the right
of the right, with their accustomed distance, the souldiours
led by their rule, and by the differences of the cognisances,
maie be quickly in their proper places, no otherwise, then as
if the boordes of a tunne should bee taken a sunder, whiche
beyng first marked, moste easely maie bee set together
again, where thesame beyng not countersigned, were im
possible to bryng into order any more. These thynges,
with diligence and with exercise, are quickely taught, and
quickly learned, and beyng learned, with difficultie are for
gotten : for that the newe menne, be led of the olde, and
with tyme, a Province with these exercises, may become
throughly practised in the war. It is also necessarie to
teache theim, to tourne theim selves all at ones, and when
neede requires, to make of the flankes, and of the backe,
the fronte, and of the front, flankes, or backe, whiche is
moste easie : bicause it suffiseth that every manne doe tourne
his bodie, towardes thesame parte that he is commaunded,
and where thei tourne their faces, there the fronte commeth
to bee. True it is, that when thei tourne to any of the
flanckes, the orders tourne out of their proporcion : for
that from the breast to the backe, there is little difference,
and from the one flancke to the other, there is verie moche
distance, the whiche is al contrarie to the ordinarie order
of the battaile: therefore it is convenient, that practise,
and discrecion, doe place them as thei ought to be : but
this is small disorder, for that moste easely by themselves,
thei maie remedie it. But that whiche importeth more, and
where is requisite more practise, is when a battaile would
tourne all at ones, as though it were a whole bodie, here is
meete to have greate practise, and greate discrecion: bicause
mindyng to tourne, as for insample on the left hande, the
left corner must stande still, and those that be next to
hym that standeth still, muste marche so softly, that thei
that bee in the right corner, nede not to runne : otherwise
86

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

all thing should be confounded. But bicause it happeneth THE
alwaies, when an armie marcheth from place to place, that SEC'OND
the battailes, whiche are not placed in the front, shall be BOOKE
driven to faight not by hedde, but either by flancke, or by
backe, so that a battaile muste in a sodaine make of flancke,
or of backe, hedde : and mindyng that like battailes in
soche cace, maie have their proporcion, as above is de
clared, it is necessarie, that thei have the Pikes on thesame
flancke, that ought to be hedde, and the Peticapitaines,
Centurions, and Conestables, to resorte accordyngly to their
places. Therefore to mynde to dooe this, in plasyng them
together, you must ordeine the fower skorerankes, of five in
a ranke, thus: Set all the Pikes in the first twentie rankes, How to order
and place the Peticapitaines thereof, five in the first places, a l)aml °f
and five in the last : the other three score rankes, whiche "^Tsort^
come after, bee all of Targaettes, whiche come to bee three that thei'maie
Centuries. Therefore, the first and the laste ranke of every make their
Centurion, would be Peticapitaines, the Conestable with the front apainste
Ansigne, and with theDrumme, muste stande in themiddest tlien^Ini(' "f
of the first Centurie of Targaettes, and the Centurions in the tjiej jjst
lied of every Centurie. The bande thus ordained, when you
would have the Pikes to come on the left flancke, you must
redouble Centurie by Centurie, on the right flancke : if you
would have them to come on the right flancke, you must
redouble theim on the lefte. And so this battaile tourneth
with the Pikes upon a flancke, and the Conestable in the
middeste : the whiche facion it hath marchyng : but the
enemie commyng, and the tyme that it would make of
flancke hedde, it nedeth not but to make every man to
tourne his face, towardes thesame flancke, where the Pikes How a hand
be, and then the battaile tourneth with the rankes, and «f">i'noiifrhte
with the heddes in thesame maner, as is aforesaied : for to be ordered,
,1 i • i 1 1 ft • i when in

that every man is in his place, excepte the ( entunons, and niarrhynjr

the Centurions straight waie, and without difficultie, place tlu-i should
themselves: lint when thei in marchyng, should bee driven !><•«» ron-

to faight on the backe, it is convenient to ordein the rankes -;tr:i'm'(1 t<(

«, i , .1 ii • • i_ ji -i ,1 i^-i raiifntoii their

after soch sorte, that settyng theim in battaile, the Pikes |IJU.i4es

maie come behinde, and to doe this, there is to bee kepte

87

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THE ARTE OF WARRE

no other order, then where in orderyng the battaile, by
the ordinarie, every Centurie hath five rankes of Pikes
before, to cause that thei maie have them behind, and
in all the other partes to observe thorder, whiche I de
clared firste.

COSIMO. You have tolde (if I dooe well remember
me) that this maner of exercise, is to bee able to bryng
these battailes together into an armie, and that this
practise, serveth to be able to order theim selves in the
same : But if it should happen, that these CCCCL. men,
should have to doe an acte seperate, how would you order
them ?

FABKICIO. He that leadeth them, ought then to judge,
where he will place the Pikes, and there to put them, the
whiche doeth not repugne in any part to the order above
written : for that also, though thesame bee the maner, that is
observed to faighte a fielde, together with thother battailes,
notwithstandyng it is a rule, whiche serveth to all those
waies, wherein a band of menne should happen to have
to doe : but in shewyng you the other twoo waies of me
propounded, of ordering the battailes, I shal also satisfie
you more to your question : for that either thei are never
used, or thei are used when a battaile is a lone, and not in
companie of other, and to come to the waie of ordering
Howa battaile them, with twoo homes, I saie, that thou oughteste to order
is made with the Ixxx. rankes, five to a ranke, in this maner. Place in
fae middest, one Centurion, and after hym xxv. rankes,
whiche muste bee with twoo Pikes on the lefte hande, and
with three Targaettes on the right, and after the first
five, there must be put in the twentie folowyng, twentie
Peticapitaines, all betwene the pikes, and the Targaettes,
excepte those whiche beare the Pike, whom maie stand with
the Pikes: after these xxv. rankes thus ordered, there is
to be placed an other Centurion, and behinde hym fiftene
rankes of Targaettes : after these, the Conestable betwene
the Drum and the Ansigne, who also must have after him,
other fiftene rankes of Targaettes : after this, the thirde
Centurion must be placed, and behinde hym, xxv. rankes,

88

twoo homes.

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

in every one of whiche, ought to bee three Targaettes on THE
the lefte flancke, and twoo Pikes on the right, and after SECOND
the five first rankes, there must be xx. Peticapitaines placed BOOKE
betwene the Pikes, and the Targaettes : after these rankes,
the fowerth Centurion must folowc. Intendyng therefore,
of these rankes thus ordered, to make a battaile with twoo
homes, the first Centurion must stand still, with the xxv.
rankes whiche be behinde him, after the second Centurion
muste move, with the fiftene rankes of Targaettes, that bee
behinde hyrn, and to tourne on the right hande, and up by
the right Hancke of the xxv. rankes, to go so farre, that he
arrive to the xv. ranke, and there to stande still : after, the
Conestable muste move, with the fiftene rankes of Tar
gaettes, whiche be behinde hym, and tournyng likewise on
the right hande, up by the right flancke of the fiftene
rankes, that wer Hrste moved, muste marche so farre, that
he come to their heddes, and there to stand stil : after,
the thirde Centurion muste move with the xxv. rankes,
and with the fowerth Centurion, whiche was behinde, and
turnyng up straight, must go a long by the right Hanck of
the fiftene last rankes of the Targaettes, and not to stande
still when he is at the heddes of them, but to followe
marchyng so farre, that the laste ranke of the xxv. maie
come to be even with the rankes behinde. And this dooen,
the Centurion, whiche was hedde of the firste fiftene rankes
of Targaettes, must go awaie from thens where he stoode,
and go to the backe in the lefte corner : and thus a battaile
shall be made of xxv. rankes, after twentie men to a rank,
with two homes, upon every side of the front, one horn,
and every one, shall have ten rankes, five to a ranke, and
there shall remain a space betwene the twoo homes, as
moche as containeth ten men, whiche tourne their sides, the
one to thother. Betwene the two homes, the capitain shall
stande, and on every poinct of a home, a Centurion : There
shall bee also behinde, on every corner, a Centurion: there
shal be twoo rankes of Pikes, and xx. Peticapitaines on
every flancke. These twoo homes, serve to kepe betwene
theim the artillerie, when this battaile should have any
M 89

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE withit, and the cariages : The Veliti muste stande a long

SECOND the flankes, under the Tikes. But mindyng to bring this

BOOKE horned battaile, with a voide space in the middeste, there

The orderyng ought no other to bee doen, then of fiftene rankes, of

of a battaile twentie to a ranke, to take eight rankes, and to place them

with a voide ^ poinctes of the twoo homes, whiche then of homes,

space in the , ,, M . i T ,, • , .,

middeste. become backe or the voide space. In this place, the cariages

are kept, the capitain standeth, and the Ansigne, but never
the Artillerie, the whiche is placed either in the front, or
a long the flankes. These be the waies, that a battaile
maie use when it is constrained to passe alone through sus
pected places : notwithstandyng, the massive battaile with
out homes, and without any soche voide place is better,
yet purposyng to assure the disarmed, the same horned
battaile is necessarie. The Suizzers make also many facions
of battailes, emong which, thei make one like unto a crosse :
bicause in the spaces that is betwen the armes therof,
thei kepe safe their Harkebuters from the daunger of the
enemies : but bicause soche battailes be good to faight by
theim selves, and my intente is to shew, how many battailes
united, do faight with thenemie, I wil not labour further
in describing them.

COSIMO. My thinkes I have verie well comprehended the
waie, that ought to be kept to exercise the men in these
battailes : But (if I remember me well) you have saied,
how that besides the tenne battailes, you joyne to the maine
battaile, a thousande extraordinarie Pikes, and five hundred
extraordinarie Veliti : will you not appoincte these to be
exercised ?

FABIUTIO. I would have theim to bee exercised, and that
with moste great diligence : and the Pikes I would exercise,
at leaste Ansigne after Ansigne, in the orders of the bat
tailes, as the other : For as moche as these should doe me
To what pur- more servise, then the ordinarie battailes, in all particulare
pose the Pikes affaires : as to make guides, to get booties, and to doe like
and Velite ex- thynges : but the Veliti, I would exercise at home, without
traordinarie bringing them together, for that their office being to faight
a sonder, it is not mete, that thei should companie with
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NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

other, in the common exercises : for that it shall suffice, to THE

exercise them well in the particular exercises. Thei ought SECOND

then (as I firste tolde you, nor now me thynkes no labour BOOKE

to rehearse it againe) to cause their men to exercise them

selves in these battailes, whereby thei maie knowe how to

keepe the raie, to knowe their places, to tourne quickly,

when either enemie, or situacion troubleth them : for that,

when thei knowe how to do this, the place is after easely

learned, which a battaile hath to kepe, and what is the office

thereof in the armie : and when a Prince, or a common

weale, will take the paine, and will use their diligence in

these orders, and in these exercisyng, it shall alwaies happen,

that in their countrie, there shall bee good souldiours, and

thei to be superiours to their neighbours, and shalbe those,

whiche shall give, and not receive the lawes of other men :

but (as I have saied) the disorder wherein thei live, maketh

that thei neclecte, and doe not esteme these thynges, and

therefore our armies be not good : and yet though there

were either hed, or member naturally vertuous, thei cannot

shewe it.

COSIMO. What carriages would you, that every one of
these battailes should have ?

FABUITIO. Firste, I would that neither Centurion, nor Peti- Neither Cen-
capitain, should be suffered to ride: and if the Conestable turioii nor
would nedes ride, I would that he should have a Mule, and JJTlrt ^otto*
not a horse: I would allowe hym twoo carriages, and one to J^,1
every Centurion, and twoo to every three Peticapitaines, what car-
for that so many wee lodge in a lodgyng, as in the place riapes the
therof we shall tell you: So that every battaile will come ^Pj^"68
to have xxxvi. carriages, the whiche I would should carrie jj"^,1 an"j the
of necessitie the tentcs, the vesselles to seeth meate, axes, nomber of
barres of Iron, sufficient to make the lodgvnges, and then carra^es re-
if thei can carry any other thvniT, thei maie dooe it at quisite to

their pleasure.

COSIMO. I beleve that the heddes of you, ordeined in every
one of these battailes, be necessarie : albeit, I would doubt,
lest that so many com maunders, should confounde all.

FAHKITIO. That should bee, when it were not referred to

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THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE one man, but referryng it, thei cause order, ye and with-
SECOND out theim, it is impossible to governe an armie : for that a
BOOKE wall, whiche on every parte enclineth, requireth rather to
Without have many proppes, and thicke, although not so strong,
many capi- then fewe, though thei were strong : bicause the vertue of
tames, an one a \one ^oeth not remedie the ruine a farre of. And
armie cannot , i /» • . i • j • • • •

be governed, therefore in tharmies, and emong every ten men, it is con
venient that there bee one, of more life, of more harte, or
at leaste wise of more aucthoritie, who with stomacke, with
wordes, and with example, male kepe them constante, and
disposed to faight, and these thynges of me declared, bee
necessarie in an armie, as the Heddes, the Ansignes, and
the Drummes, is seen that wee have theim all in our armies,
but none doeth his office. First to mynde that the Peti-
capitaines doe thesame, for whiche thei are ordeined, it is
necessarie (as I have said) that there bee a difference, be-
twene every one of them and their men, and that thei lodge
together, doyng their duties, standyng in thorder with them :
for that thei placed in their places, bee a rule and a temper-
aunce, to maintaine the raies straight and steddie, and it is
impossible that thei disorder, or disorderyng, dooe not reduce
themselves quickly into their places. But we now adaies,
doe not use them to other purpose, then to give theim
more wages, then to other menne, and to cause that thei
dooe some particulare feate : The very same happeneth of
the Ansigne bearers, for that thei are kept rather to make
a faire muster, then for any other warlike use : but the
To what pur- antiquitie used theim for guides, and to bryng theim selves
pose Ansignes againe into order: for that every man, so sone as the
Ansigne stoode still, knewe the place, that he kept nere
to his Ansigne, wherunto he retourned alwaies: thei knewe
also, how that the same movyng, or standyng, thei should
staie, or move : therfore it is necessarie in an armie, that
there be many bodies, and every bande of menne to have
his Ansigne, and his guide : wherfore havyng this, it is
mete that thei have stomackes inough, and by consequence
life enough. Then the menne ought to marche, accordyng
to the Ansigne : and the Ansigne to move, accordyng to the
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NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

Drumme, the whiche Drumme well ordered, commaundeth THE
to the armie, the whiche goyng with paces, that answereth SECOND
the tyme of thesame, will come to kepe easihe thorders : BOOKE
for whiche cause the antiquitie had Shalmes, Flutes, and For what
soundes perfectly tymed : For as moche as like as he that purpose
daunseth, proceadeth with the tyme of the Musick, and ^1™1™I"C* h
goyng with thesame doeth not erre, even so an armie 1 '
obeiyng, in movyng it self to thesame sounde, doeth not
disorder: and therefore, thei varied the sounde, accordyng
as thei would varie the mocion,and accordyng as thei would
inHame, or quiete, or staie the mindes of men : and like as
the soundes were divers, so diversly thei named them : the
sounde Dorico, ingendered constancie, the sounde Frigio, The propertie
furie : whereby thei saie, that Alexander beyng at the th'1t so
Table, and one soundyng the sounde Frigio, it kendled mVnte
so moche his minde, that he laied hande on his weapons. ;n men
All these maners should be necessarie to finde again : and myndes.
when this should bee difliculte, at least there would not
be left behind those that teache the Souldiour to obeie,
the whiche every man maie varie, and ordeine after his owne
facion, so that with practise, he accustome the eares of his
souldiours to knowe it: But now ndaics of this sounde,
there is no other fruicte taken for the moste part, then
to make a rumour.

COSIMO. I would desire to understande of you, if ever with
your self you have discourced, whereof groweth so moche
vilenesse, and so moche disorder, and so moche necligence

in these daies of this exercise ?

„, -imr-.i i -ii T -11 j. 11 ii .1 . A notable dis-

FABRICIO. With a good will I will tell you thesame, that course of the

I thinke. You knowe how that of the excellente men of nurthour,
warre, there hath been named many in Europe, fewe in declaryng
Aff Vic, and lesse in Asia : this grewe, for that these twoo " ht'
laste partes of the worlde, have had not paste one kyng- ^""hi. viiS(?ncs
dome, or twoo, and fewe common weales, but Europe onelv, disorder ami
hath had many kvngdomes, and infinite common weales, necligence in
where menne became excellent, and did shewe their vertue, tlu'st' (I:i'f

accordyng as thei were sette a woorke, and brought before the^xTrcise
their Prince, or common weale, or king that he be: it0f warre

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THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE followeth therefore, that where be many dominions, there
SECOND rise many valiaunt menne, and where be fewe, fewe. In
BOOKE Asia is founde Ninus, Cirus, Artasercses, Mithridates : and
verie fewe other, that to these maie be compared. In
Africk, is named (lettyng stande thesame auncient Egipt)
Massinissa, Jugurta, and those Capitaines, whiche of the
Carthaginens common weale were nourished, whom also in
respecte to those of Europe, are moste fewe : bicause in
Europe, be excellente men without nomber, and so many
more should be, if together with those should bee named
the other, that be through the malignitie of time extincte :
for that the worlde hath been moste vertuous, where hath
been moste states, whiche have favoured vertue of necessitie,
or for other humaine passion. There rose therfore in Asia,
fewe excellente menne : bicause thesame Province, was all
under one kyngdome, in the whiche for the greatnesse
thereof, thesame standing for the moste parte of tyme
idell, there could not growe men in doynges excellent. To
Africke there happened the verie same, yet there were
nourished more then in Asia, by reason of the Cartha
ginens common weale : for that in common weales, there
growe more excellent men, then in kingdomes, bicause in
common weales for the mest part, vertue is honoured, in
Kyngdomes it is helde backe: wherby groweth, that in thone,
vertuous men are nourished, in the other thei are extincte.
Therefore he that shall consider the partes of Europe, shall
finde it to have been full of common weales, and of prince-
domes, the whiche for feare, that the one had of the other,
thei wer constrained to kepe lively the warlike orders, and
to honor them, whiche in those moste prevailed : for that
in Grece, besides the kyngdome of the Macedonians, there
were many common weales, and in every one of theim, were
bred moste excellente men. In Italic, were the Romaines,
the Sannites, the Toscanes, the Gallic Cisalpini. Fraunce,
and Almainie, wer ful of common weales and prince-
domes. Spaine likewise : and although in comparison of
the Romaines, there are named fewe other, it groweth
through the malignitie of the writers, whom folowe fortune,
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NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

and to theim for the moste parte it suffised, to honour TIIK
the conquerours : but it standeth not with reason, that be- SECOND
twene the Sannites, and the Toscanes, whom fought CL. BOOKK
yeres with the Komaine people, before thei wer overcome,
there should ntft growe exceadyng many excellente menne.
And so likewise in Fraunce, and in Spaine : but that vertue,
whiche the writers did not celebrate in particuler menne,
thei celebrated generally in the people, where thei exalte
to the starres, the obstinatenesse that was in them, to de-
fende their libertie. Beyng then true, that where bee moste
dominions, there riseth moste valiaunt menne, it foloweth
of necessitie, that extinguishyng those, vertue is extincte
straighte waie, the occasion decaiyng, whiche maketh menne
vertuous. Therefore, the Komaine Empire beyng after in
creased, and havyng extinguished all the common weales,
and Princedomes of Europe, and of Afrike, and for the
moste part those of Asia, it lefte not any waie to vertue,
excepte Rome : whereby grewe, that vertuous menne began
to be as fewe in Europe, as in Asia : the whiche vertue,
came after to the laste caste : For as moche, as all the
vertue beyng reduced to Koome, so sone as thesame was
corrupted, almoste all the worlde came to bee corrupted :
and the Scithian people, were able to come to spoile the-
sarne Empire, the whiche had extinguished the vertue of
other, and knewe not howe to maintaine their owne : and
after, although through the inundacion of those barberous
nacions, thesame Empire was devided into many partes, this
vertue is not renued : The one cause is, for that it greveth The causes
theim moche, to take againe the orders when thei are manic, wjiy the
the other, bicause the manor of livyng now adaies, having a""™s"re
respect to the Christian religion, commaundeth not thesame neclected
necessitie to menne, to defende themselves, whiche in olde
tyme was : for that then, the menne overcome in warn-,
either were killed, or remained perpetuall slaves, where
thei led their lives moste miserablv : The tonnes overcome,
either were rased, or the inhabiters thereof driven out, their
goodes taken a waie, sent dispersed through the worlde : so
that the vanquished in warre, suffered all extreme miserie :

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THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE of this feare, men beyng made afraied, thei wer driven to
SECOND kepe lively the warlike exercises, and thei honoured soche
BOOKE as were excellente in theim : But nowe adaies, this feare for
the moste part is not regarded : of those that are overcom,
fewe bee killed, none is kepte longe in prison : for that with
facelitie, thei are sette at libertie : the citees also, whiche
a thousande tymes have rebelled, are not destroied, the
men wherof, are let a lone with their goodes, so that the
greateste hurte that is feared, is but a taske : in so moche,
that men will not submit them selves to the orders of warre,
and to abide alwaies under those, to avoide the perilles
whereof thei are little afraied: again these Provinces of
Europe, be under a verie fewe heddes, in respecte as it hath
been in times past : for that al Fraunce, obeieth one kyng,
al Spain, an other : Italic is in fewe partes, so that the weake
citees, are defended with leanyng to hym that overcometh,
and the strong states, for the causes aforesaied, feare no
soche extreme ruine.

COSIMO. Yet ther hath ben seen many tounes that have
ben sacked within this xxv. yeres, and lost their dominions,
whose insample, ought to teache other how to live, and to
take again some of those old orders.

FABRICIO. You saie true: but if you note what tounes
have gone to sacke, you shall not finde that thei have been
the heddes of states, but of the members; as was seen
sacked Tortona, and not Milaine : Capua, and not Napelles,
Brescia, and not Venice, Ravenna, and not Roome : the
whiche insamples maketh those that governe,not to chaunge
their purposes, but rather maketh them to stande more in
their opinion, to be able to redeme again all thynges with
taskes, and for this, thei will not submit theim selves to the
troubles of thexercises of warre, semyng unto them partly
not necessarie, partly, an intrinsicate matter, whiche thei
understande not : Those other, whiche bee subjectes to
them, whom soche insamples ought to make afraied, have
no power to remedie it : and those Princes, that have ones
loste their estates, are no more able, and those which as
yet kept them, know not, nor wil not. Bicause thei will

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NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

without any disease rain by fortune, and not by their vertue: THE
for that in the worlde beyng but little vertue, thei see for- SECOND
tune governeth all thynges. And thei will have it to rule BOOKE
theim, not thei to rule it. And to prove this that I have
discoursed to bee true, consider Almaine, in the whiche,
bicause there is many Princedomes, and common weales,
there is moche vertue, and all thesame, whiche in the present
service of warre is good, dependeth of the insamples of those
people : who beyng all gellious of their states, fearing servi
tude, the which in other places is not feared, thei all main-
taine theim selves Lordes, and honourable : this that I have
saied, shall suffice to shewe the occacions of the presente
utilitie, accordyng to my opinion : I cannot tell, whether
it seeme thesame unto you, or whether there be growen in
you any doubtyng.

COSIMO. None, but rather I understande all verie well :
onely I desire, tournyng to our principall matter, to under
stande of you, how you would ordein the horses with these
battailes, and how many, and how thei should be governed,
and how armed.

FABIUTIO. You thinke peraventure, that I have left it
behinde : whereat doe not marvell, for that I purpose for
twoo causes, to speake therof little, the one is, for that the
strengthe, and the importaunce of an armie, is the foote-
men, the other is, bicause this part of service of warre, is
lesse corrupted, then thesame of footemen. For that though
it be not stronger then the old, yet it maie compare with
thesame, nevertheles ther hath been spoken a little afore, of
the maner of exercisyng them. And concernyng tharmyng The armyn^
them, I would arme them as thei doe at this present, as wel of horsemen,
the light horsemen, as the menne of armes : but the light The weapons
horsemen, I would that thei should be all Crossebowe tliat J'^rllt

shuters, with some Harkebutters emong them : the whiche horsln;'!'
,1 i . /r. . „ ,i«i 1-1 should have.

though in the other affaires of warre, thei bee little pro
fitable, thei be for this most profitable, to make afraied the
countrie menne, and to drive them from a passage, that were
kept of them : bicause a Harkebutter, shall feare them
more, then twentie other armed. But commvng to the
N 97

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE nomber, I saie, that having taken in hand, to imitate the

SECOND service of warre of the Romaines, I would not ordein more

BOOKE then three hundred horse, profitable for every maine battaile,

The nombre of whiche I would that there were CL. men of armes, and

of horsmen QL light horsmen, and I would give to every one of these

requisite for arteS5 a neolde, making after emong them fiftene peticapi-

battaUe of taines for a bande, givyng to every one of them a Trompet,
sixe thousand and a standarde : I would that every ten menne of armes,
men. should have five carriages, and every ten light horsemen

Thenombreof twoo, the whiche as those of the footemen, should carrie
carrages that tjie Rentes, the vesselles, and the axes, and the stakes, and

aTdVtohTrs- the rest of their °ther harneis- Nor beleve not but that. ii:

men ought to is disorder, where the menne of armes have to their service

have. fower horse, bicause soche a thyng is a corrupt use : for

that the men of armes in Almaine, are seen to bee with

their horse alone, every twentie of theim, havyng onely a

carte, that carrieth after them their necessary thynges.

The Romaine horsemen, were likewise a lone : true it is,

that the Triary lodged nere them, whiche wer bound to

minister helpe unto theim, in the kepyng of their horses :

the whiche maie easely be imitated of us, as in the dis-

tributyng of the lodgynges, I shall shewe you. Thesame

then that the Romaines did, and that whiche the Duchmen

doe now a daies, we maie doe also, ye, not doyng it, we

erre. These horses ordained and appoincted together with

a main battaile, maie sometymes be put together, when the

battailes bee assembled, and to cause that betwene theim

bee made some sight of assault, the whiche should be more

to make them acquainted together, then for any other

necessitie. But now of this part, there hath been spoken

sufficiently, wherefore let us facion the armie, to be able

to come into the field against the enemie, and hope to

winne it : whiche thyng is the ende, for whiche the

exercise of warre is ordeined, and so moche

studie therein bestowed.

THE THIRDE BOOKE

OF THE ARTE OF WARRE OF

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL, CITEZEINE

AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,

UNTO

LAURENCE PHILIP STROZZE.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE THIRDE BOORE

COSIMO.

EING that we chaunge reasonyng, I will
that the deinaunder be chaunged : bicause
I would not be thought presumptuous,
the which I have alwaies blamed in other :
therfore, I resigne the Dictatorship, and
give this aucthoritie to hym that will
have it, of these my other frendes.

XANOJU. We would be moste glad, that
you should procede, but seyng that you will not, yet tell at
leaste, whiche of us shall succede in your place.
COSIMO. I will give this charge to signer Fabricio.
FABIUTJO. I am content to take it, and I will that we
folowe the Venecian custome, that is, that the youngeste
speake firste : bicause this beyng an exercise for yong men,
I perswade my self, that yong menne, bee moste apt to
reason thereof, as thei be moste readie to execute it.

COSIMO. Then it falleth to you Luigi : and as I have
pleasure of soche a successour, so you shal satisfie your self
of soche a deinaunder : therefore I praie you, let us tourne
to the matter, and let us lese no more tyme.

FAIWITIO. I am certain, that to mynde to shewe wel,
how an armie is prepared, to faight a fielde, it should be
necessarie to declare, how the Grekes, and the Romaines
ordeiried the bandes of their armies : Notwithstandvng, you
your selves, beeyng able to rede, and to consider these
thynges, by meanes of the auncient writers. I will passe

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THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE over many particulars : and I will onely bryng in those
THIRDE thynges, whiche I thinke necessarie to imitate, mindyng
BOOKE at this tyme, to give to our exercise of warre, some parte
of perfection : The whiche shall make, that in one instante,
I shall shewe you, how an armie is prepared to the field,
and how it doeth incounter in the verie faight, and how it
The greateste maie be exercised in the fained. The greatest disorder,
disorder that that thei make, whiche ordeine an armie to the fielde, is
is used now a jn giving them onely one fronte, and to binde them to one
fielde! brunt> and *o one fortune : the whiche groweth, of havyng
loste the waie, that the antiquitie used to receive one bande
within an other : bicause without this waie, thei can neither
succour the formoste, nor defende them, nor succede in the
faight in their steede : the whiche of the Romaines, was
Theorderhov/ moste excellently well observed. Therefore, purposyng to
a Romain shewe this waie, I saie, how that the Komaines devided into
Legion was jjj partes every Legion, in Hastati, Prencipi, and Triarii,

nCt ° of which» the Hastati wer Placed in the first front> or for-
ward of the armie, with thorders thicke and sure, behinde

whom wer the Prencipi, but placed with their orders more
thinne : after these, thei set the Triarii, and with so moche
thinnes of orders, that thei might, if nede wer, receive
betwene them the Prencipi, and the Hastati. Thei had
besides these, the Slingers, and Crosbowshoters, and the
other lighte armed, the whiche stoode not in these orders,
but thei placed them in the hed of tharmie, betwene the
horses and the other bandes of footemen : therefore these
light armed, began the faight, if thei overcame (whiche
happened seldom times) thei folowed the victorie: if thei
were repulced, thei retired by the flanckes of the armie, or
by the spaces ordained for soche purposes, and thei brought
them selves emong the unarmed : after the departure of
whom, the Hastati incountered with the enemie, the whiche
if thei saw themselves to be overcome, thei retired by a
little and little, by the rarenesse of thorders betwene the
Prencipi, and together with those, thei renued the faight :
if these also wer repulced, thei retired al in the rarenesse
of the orders of the Triarii, and al together on a heape,
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NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

began againe the faight : and then, if thei were overcome, THE
there was no more remeady, bicause there remained no THIKDE
more waies to renue them again. The horses stoode on BOOKE
the corners of the armie, to the likenes of twoo winges
to a bodie, and somewhiles thei fought with the enemies
horses, an other while, thei rescued the fotmen, according
as nede required. This waie of renuyng theim selves three
tymes, is almoste impossible to overcome : for that, fortune
muste three tymes forsake thee, and the enemie to have so
moche strengthe, that three tymes he maie overcome thee.
The Grekes, had not in their Falangi, this maner of renuyng
them selves, and although in those wer many heddes, and
many orders, notwithstanding, thei made one bodie, or els
one hedde: the maner that thei kepte in rescuyng the one The maner
the other was, not to retire the one order within the other, that the
as the Romaines, but to enter the one manne into the place prekes used
of the other : the which thei did in this maner. Their pjj1*1' wh
Falange brought into rankes, and admit, that thei put in a thei fought'0
ranke fiftie menne, commyng after with their hedde againste .-igainst their
the enemie, of all the rankes the foremoste sixe, mighte faight :
Bicause their Launces, the whiche thei called Sarisse, were
so long, that the sixt ranke, passed with the hedde of their
Launces, out of the first ranke : then in faightyng, if any
of the first, either through death, or through woundes fell,
straight waie there entered into his place, thesame man,
that was behinde in the second ranke, and in the place
that remained voide of the seconde, thesame man entred,
whiche was behind hym in the thirde, and thus successively,
in a sodaine the rankes behinde, restored the faultes of those
afore, so that the rankes alwaies remained whole, and no
place of the faighters was voide, except the laste rankes,
the whiche came to consume, havyng not menne behinde
their backes, whom might restore theim : So that the hurte
that the first rankes suffered, consumed the laste, and the
firste remained alwaies whole : and thus these Falangi by
their order, might soner be consumed, then broken, for
that the grosse bodie, made it more immovable. The
Romaines used at the beginnyng the Falangi, and did set

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THE in order their Legions like unto them: after, this order
THIRDE pleased them not, and thei devided the Legions into many
BOOKE bodies, that is, in bandes and companies : Bicause thei
judged (as a little afore I saied) that thesame bodie, should
have neede of many capitaines, and that it should be made
of sunderie partes, so that every one by it self, might be
The order-that governed. The maine battailes of the Suizzers, use at this
the Suizzers present, all the maners of the Falangi, as well in ordryng
mainbatteiles ii: grosse> and wn°le> as in rescuyng the one the other : and
when thei in pitchyng the field, thei set the main battailes, thone to
faight. the sides of the other : and though thei set them the one

behinde the other, thei have no waie, that the firste retiryng
it self, maie bee received of the seconde, but thei use this
order, to the entent to bee able to succour the one thother,
where thei put a maine battaile before, and an other behinde
thesame on the right hande : so that if the first have nede
of helpe, that then the other maie make forewarde, and
succour it : the third main battaile, thei put behind these,
but distant from them, a Harkebus shot : this thei doe, for
that thesaid two main battailes being repulced, this maie
make forwarde, and have space for theim selves, and for the
repulced, and thesame that march eth forward, to avoide
the justling of the one the other : for asmoche as a grosse
multitude, cannot bee received as a little bodie : and there
fore, the little bodies beyng destincte, whiche were in a
Romaine Legion, might be placed in soche wise, that thei
might receive betwene theim, and rescue the one the other.
And to prove this order of the Suizzers not to be so good,
as the auncient Romaines, many insamples of the Romain
Legions doe declare, when thei fought with the Grekes
Falangi, where alwaies thei were consumed of theim : for
that the kinde of their weapons (as I have said afore) and
this waie of renuyng themselves, could do more, then the
massivenesse of the Falangi. Havyng therefore, with these
insamples to ordaine an armie, I have thought good, partly
to retaine the maner of armyngand the orders of the Grekes
Falangi, and partely of the Romain Legions : and therfore
I have saied, that I would have in a main battaile, twoo
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NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

thousande pikes, whiche be the weapons of the Macedonicall THE
Falangi, and three thousande Targaettes with sweardes, THIKDE
whiche be the Romain weapons : I have devided the main BUOKE
battaile, into x. battailes, as the Romanies their Legion into Howe to ap-
ten Cohortes: I have ordeined the Veliti, that is the light poincteamain
armed, to begin the faight, as the Romanies used : and like lmtlaile with
as the weapons beyng mingled, doe participate of thone and '™ ^

of the other nacion, so the orders also doe participate : I Border the-
have ordained, that every battaile shall have v. rankes of same after the
Pikes in the fronte, and the rest of Targaettes, to bee able (irekt' and
with the front, to withstande the horses, and to enter easely Romain
into the battaile of the enemies on foot, having in the h'rste
fronte, or vawarde, Pikes, as well as the enemie, the whiche
shall suffice me to withstande them, the Targaettes after to
overcome theim. And if you note the vertue of this order,
you shal se al these weapons, to doe fully their office, for
that the Pikes, bee profi table against the horses, and when
thei come against the footemenne, thei dooe their office well,
before the faight throng together, bicause so sone as thei
presse together, thei become unprofitable : wherefore, the
Suix/ers to avoide this inconvenience, put after everye three
rankes of Pikes, a ranke of Halberdes, the whiche they do
to make roome to the Pikes, which is not yet so much as
sufliseth. Then putting our Pikes afore, and the Targaettes
behinde, they come to withstande the horses, and in the
beginning of the fight, they open the rayes, and molest the
footemen : But when the light is thrust together, and that
they become unprofitable, the Targaettes and swoords suc-
ceede, which may in every narowe place be handled.

LUIGI. Wee looke nowe with desire to understande, howe
you would ordeyne the armie to fighte the fielde, with these
weapons, and with these order.

FAHKITIO. And I will not nowe shewe you other, then
this : you have to understande, how that in an ordinarve
Romane armie, which they call a Consull armie, there we're '' 'lu' nomher
no more, then twoo Legions of Romane Citezens which were ol Im>" tliat
sixe hundred horse, and about aleven thousande footemen : |™'
they had besides us many more footemen and horsemen, n

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THE whiche were sente them from their friendes and confiderates,
THIRDE whome they divided into twoo partes, and called the one,
BOOKE the right home and the other the left home : nor they never
permitted, that these aiding footemen, should passe the
nomber of the footemen of their Legions, they were well
contented, that the nomber of those horse shouldebe more
then theirs : with this armie, which was of xxii. thousand
footemen, and about twoo thousande good horse, a Consul
executed all affaires, and went to all enterprises: yet
when it was needefull to set against a greater force, twoo
Consulles joyned together with twoo armies. You ought
also to note in especially, that in all the three principall
How the actes, which an armie doth that is, to march, to incampe,
Romanies and to fight, the Romanes used to put their Legions in
placed their the rniddeste, for that they woulde, that the same power,
Legions in wlierein they most trusted, shoulde bee moste united, as in
the field. ^e reasoning of these three actes, shall be shewed you :
those aiding footemen, througli the practise they had with
the Legion Souldiours, were as profitable as they, because
they were instructed, according as the souldiours of the
Legions were, and therefore, in like maner in pitching
the^ field, they pitched. Then he that knoweth how the
Romanies disposed a Legion in their armie, to fight a field,
knoweth how they disposed all : therefor, having tolde you
how they devided a Legion into three bandes, and how the
one bande received the other, I have then told you, how al
tharmie in a fielde, was ordained. Wherefore, I minding
to ordain a field like unto the Romaines, as they had twoo
Legions, I will take ii. main batailes, and these being dis
posed, the disposicion of all an armie shalbe understode
therby : by cause in joynhig more men, there is no other to
be doen, then to ingrosse the orders : I thinke I neede not
to rehearse how many men a maine battaile hath, and howe
it hath ten battailes, and what heades bee in a battaile,
and what weapons they have, and which be the ordinarie
Pikes and Veliti, and which the extraordinarie for that a
litle a fore I told you it destinctly, and I willed you to kepe
it in memorie as a necessarie thing to purpose, to under-
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NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

stande all the other orders: and therfore I will come to THE
the demonstracion of the order without repeating it any THIKDE
more: Me thinkes good, that the ten battailes of one BOOKE
main battaile be set on the left flanke, and the tenne How to order
other, of the other main battaile, on the right: these anarmieinthe

that are placed on the left flanke, be ordeined in this folde to fighto

. , r , L, , , ., , 1 ,, . , r a battaile. ae-

maner, there is put five battailes the one to the side of cording to the

the other in the fronte, after suche sorte, that betweene the mimle of the
one and the other, there remaine a space of three yardes, authour.
whiche come to occupie for largenesse Cvi. yardes, of
ground, and for length thirtie : behinde these five battailes,
I would put three other distante by right line from the
firste, thirtie yardes : twoo of the whiche, should come
behinde by right line, to the uttermoste of the h've, and the
other should kepe the space in the middeste, and so these
three, shall come to occupie for bredth and length, as
moche space, as the five doeth. But where the five have
betwene the one, and the other, a distaunce of three yardes,
these shall have a distance of xxv. yardes. After these, I
would place the twoo last battailes, in like maner behinde
the three by right line, and distaunte from those three,
thirtie yardes, and I would place eche of theim, behinde the
uttermoste part of the three, so that the space, whiche
should remain betwcn the one and the other, should be
Ixviii. yardes: then al these battailes thus ordered, will take
in bredth Cvi. yardes, and in length CL. Thextraordinarie How the
Pikes, I would dcff'ende a long the flanckes of these e^™°bl^nary
battailes, on the left side, distante from them fiftene yardes, pjace(j jn tjie
makyng Cxliij. rankes, seven to a ranke, after soche get battaile.
sorte, that thei maie impale with their length, all the
left sixe of the tenne battailes in thesame wise, declared of
me to be ordained : and there shall remain fourtic rankes to
keepe the carriages, and the unarmed, whiche ought to
remaine in the taile of the armic, distributyng the Peti-
capitaines, and the Centurions, in their places: and of the
three Conestables, I would place one in the hedde, the other
in the middeste, the third in the laste ranke, tlu- whiche
should execute the office of a Tergiductore, whom the

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THE antiquitie so called hym, that was appoincted to the backe

THIRDE of the armie. But retournyng to the hedde of the armie,

BOOKE I sale how that I would place nere to the extraordinarie

The place pikes, the Veliti extraordinarie, whiche you knowe to be five

where thex- hundred, and I would give them a space of xxx. yardes : on

Irchat^and the side of these likewise on the left hande, I would place

harkebutters the menne of armes, and I would thei sliould have a space

and the men' of a Cxii. yardes : after these, the light horsemen, to whom

of armes and I would appoinct as moche ground to stande in, as the

lig-hte hors- menne of armes have : the ordinarie veliti, I would leave

to^stande about their owne battailes, who should stand in those

when the field spaces, whiche I appoincte betwene thone battaile and

is pitched, thother : whom should be as their ministers, if sometyme I

and goeth to thought not good to place them under the extraordinarie

battaile Pikes : in dooyng or not doyng whereof, I would proceade,

, accordynff as should tourne best to my purpose. The
The ordinarie 11 L jj r 11 .1 • i . -i T

archars and generall hedde 01 all the mame battaile, I would place in

harkebutters thesame space, that were betwene the first and the seconde
are placed order of the battailes, or els in the hedde, and in thesame
ot°nUetebatieir space, that is betwene the laste battaile of the firste five,
taTles. a and tne extraordinarie Pikes, accordyng as beste should serve

The lace m^ PurPose' with thirtie or fourtie chosen men about hym,
where the that knewe by prudence, how to execute a commission, and
g-enerall by force, to withstande a violence, and thei to be also

hedde of a betwen the Drumme and the Ansigne : this is thorder, with
mutte stand'!? the whiche l would disPose a maine battaile, whiche should
when thesame ^ee the disposyng of halfe the armie, and it should take in
power of men breadth three hundred fourscore and twoo yardes, and in
is appoincted length as moche as above is saied, not accomptyng the
to faight. space, that thesame parte of the extraordinarie Pikes will
What menne take, whiche muste make a defence for the unarmed, whiche
ca^italnofa w^ *)ee a^oute ^xxv- yar^es : the other maine battaile, I
maine battaile wou^ dispose on the righte side, after the same maner
oughte to juste, as I have disposed that on the lefte, leavyng
have aboute betwene the one main battaile, and thother, a space of xxii.
ym< yardes : in the hedde of whiche space, I would set some little

carriages of artillerie, behynde the whiche, should stande
the generall capitaine of all the armie, and should have
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NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

about hym with the Trumpet, and with the Capitaine THE
standerde, twoo hundred menne at least, chosen to be on THIRDE
foote the moste parte, emongest whiche there should be tenne BOOKE
or more, mete to execute all commaundementes, and should The place
bee in soche wise a horsebacke, and armed, that thei mighte *her a general

bee on horsebacke, and on foote, accordyng as neede should pfPlta*° of all
,••,-,1 , -I, • /. ,1 a* ii i /-i tnearmiemust

require. Ihe artillerie of the armie, sumseth ten Cannons, stan(i wlien

for the winning of Townes, whose shotte shoulde not passe the battaile
h'ftie puunde : the whiche in the fielde should serve mee is ready to be
more for defence of the canipe, then for to fight the fo"Kht a»<J
battaile : The other urtillerie, should bee rather of ten, ofch^Tmen
then of h'fteene pounde the shotte : this I would place afore oughte to be
on the front of all the annie, if sometime the countrie aboute liym.
should not stande in such wise, that I mighte place it by How many
the flancke in a sure place, where it mighte not of the canons is re-
enemie be in daunger : this fashion of an armie thus ordered, (luis.ite f(
may in fighting, use the order of the Falangi, and the order what sise they
of the Uoniane Legions : for that in the fronte, bee Pikes, ou»ht to bee.
all the men bee set in the rankes, after such sorte, that in- where the
countering with the enemie, and withstanding him, maye artillerie
after the use of the Falangi, restore the firste ranckes, with ou^lfc to be
those behinde : on the other parte, if they be charged so ^armie^i
sore, that they be constrayned to breake the orders, and to reedietofight.
retire themselves, they maye enter into the voide places of Auarmiethat
the seconde battailes, which they have behinde them, and were ordered
unite their selves with them, and making n new force, with- as above is
stande the enemie, and overcome him: and when this dec\Iare<.1'niaie
sufficeth not, they may in the verie same manor, retire them ^theGre
selves the seconde time, and the third fight: so that in mauer and
this order, concerning to fight, there is to renue them the lldmane
selves, both according to the Greeke maner, and according fas
to the Romane : concerning the strength of the armie,
there cannot be ordayned a more stronger: for as much, as
the one and the other home therof, is exceedingly well
replenished, both with heades, and weapons, nor there re-
mayneth weake, other then the part behinde of the unarmed,
and the same also, hath the flanckes impaled with the
extraordinarie Pikes: nor the enemie can not of anye parte

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To what
purpose the
spaces that
be betwene
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THE ARTE OF WARRE

assaulte it, where he shall not finde it well appointed, and
the hinder parte can not be assaulted : Because there can
not bee an enemie, that hath so much puissaunce, whome
equallye maye assault thee on everye side : for that hee
having so great a power, thou oughtest not then to matche
thy selfe in the fielde with him : but when he were three
times more then thou, and as well appointed as thou, hee
doth weaken him selfe in assaulting thee in divers places,
one part that thou breakest, will cause all the reste go to
naughte : concerning horses, although he chaunce to have
more then thine, thou needest not feare : for that the orders
of the Pikes, which impale thee, defende thee from all
violence of them, although thy horses were repulced. The
heades besides this, be disposed in such place, that they
may easyly commaunde, and obeye : the spaces that bee
between the one battaile, and the other, and betweene the
one order, and the other, not onely serve to be able to re-
ceyve the one the other, but also to give place to the
messengers, whiche should go and come by order of the
Capitayne. And as I tolde you firste, howe the Romanes
had for an armie, aboute foure and twentie thousande men,
even so this oughte to bee : and as the other souldiours tooke
ensample of the Legions, for the maner of fighting, and the
fashion of the armie, so those souldiours, whiche you
shoulde joyne to oure twoo mayne battailes, oughte to take
the forme and order of them : whereof having put you an
ensample, it is an easye matter to imitate it, for that in
creasing, either twoo other mayne battailes unto the armie,
or as many other souldiours, as they bee, there is no other
to bee done, then to double the orders, and where was put
tenne battailes on the lefte parte, to put twentie, either
ingrossing, or distending the orders, according as the place,
or the enemie shoulde compell thee.

LUIGI. Surelye sir I imagine in suche wise of this armie,
that mee thinkes I nowe see it, and I burne with a desire to
see it incounter, and I woulde for nothing in the worlde,
that you shoulde become Fabius Maxim us intendyng to
kepe the enemie at a baie, and to deferre the daie of battaile ;

no

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

bicause I would sale worse of you, then the Remain people THE
saiedofhym. THIRDK

FABKITIO. Doubt not : Doe you not h cure the artillerie ? BOOKE
Ours have alredie shotte, but little hurte the eneinie : The descrip-
and thextraordinarie Veliti, issuyng out of their places cion °f a l)at
together with the light horsemen, moste speadely, and with ta
moste merveilous furie, and greateste crie that maie be, thei a
assaulte the eneinie : whose artillerie hath discharged ones,
and hath passed over the heddes of our footemen, without
doyng them any hurt, and bicause it cannot shoote the
seconde tyme, the Veliti, and our horsemen, have nowe
gotten it, and the enemies for to defende it, are come fore
warde, so that neither our ordinaunce, nor thenemies, can
any more doe their office. Se with how moche vertue,
strengthe and agilitie our men faighteth, and with how
moche knowledge through the exercise, whiclie hath made
them to abide, and by the confidence, that thei have in the
armie, the whiche, see, how with the pace therof, arid with
the men of armes on the sides, it marcheth in good order,
to give the charge on the adversarie: See our artillerie,
whiche to give theim place, and to leave them the space
free, is retired by thesame space, from whens the Veliti
issued : See how the capitaine incourageth them, sheweth
them the victorie certain : See how the Veliti and light
horsemen bee inlarged, and retourned on the flanckes of
tharmie, to seke and view, if thei maie by the flanck, doe
any injurie to the adversaries: behold how the armies be
affronted. Se with how moche valiauntnesse thei have
withstode the violence of thenemies, and with how moche
silence, and how the capitain commaundeth the menne of
armes, that thei sustain, and not charge, and that thei
breake not from the order of the footemen : see how our
light horsemen be gone, to give the charge on a band of
the enemies Harkebutters, whiche would have hurt our men
by flancke, and how the enemies horse have succoured them,
so that tourned betwene the one and the other horse, thei
cannot shoote, but are faine to retire behinde their owne
battaile : see with what furie our Pikes doe also affront, and

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THE how the footemen be now so nere together the one to
THIRDE the other, that the Pikes can no more be occupied : so that
BOOKE according to the knowlege learned of us, our pikes do
retire a little and a little bet wen the targaettes. Se how
in this while a great bande of men of armes of the enemies,
have charged our men of armes on the lefte side, and how
ours, accordyng to knowlege, bee retired under the extra-
ordinarie Pikes, and with the help of those, giving again a
freshe charge, have repulced the adversaries, and slain a
good part of them : in so moche, that thordinarie pikes of
the first battailes, be hidden betwene the raies of the
Targaettes, thei havyng lefte the faight to the Targaet men:
whom you maie see, with how moche vertue, securitie, and
leasure, thei kill the enemie : see you not how moche by
faightyng, the orders be thrust together ? That thei can
scarse welde their sweardes ? Behold with how moche furie
the enemies move : bicause beyng armed with the pike, and
with the swerd unprofitable (the one for beyng to long, the
other for findyng thenemie to well armed) in part thei fall
hurt or dedde, in parte thei Hie. See, thei flie on the
righte corner, thei flie also on the lefte : behold, the victorie
is ours. Have not we wonne a field moste happely ? But
with more happinesse it should bee wonne, if it Avere
graunted me to put it in acte. And see, how there neded
not the helpe of the seconde, nor of the third order, for our
first fronte hath sufficed to overcome theim : in this part, I
have no other to saie unto you, then to resolve if any doubt
be growen you.

LUIGI. You have with so moche furie wonne this fielde,

that I so moche mervaile and am so astonied, that I beleve

that I am not able to expresse, if any doubt remain in my

mynde : yet trustyng in your prudence, I will be so bolde

to tell thesame that I understande. Tell me firste, why

made you not your ordinaunce to shoote more then ones ?

And why straighte waie you made them to retire into

Questions tharmie, nor after made no mension of them ? Me thought

theshotyngof also> that you leveled the artillerie of the enemie high, and

ordinaunce. appoincted it after your own devise : the whiche might very

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

well bee, yet when it should happen, as I beleve it chaunseth THE
often, that thei strike the rankes, what reamedie have you ? THIRDE
And seyng that I have begun of the artillerie, I will finishe BOOKE
all this question, to the intente I nede not to reason therof
any more. I have heard many dispraise the armours, and
the orders of the aunciente armies, arguyng, how now a
daies, thei can doe little, but rather should bee altogether
unprofitable, havyng respecte to the furie of the artillerie :
bicause, this breaketh the orders, and passeth the armours
in soche wise, that it semeth unto them a foolishenesse to
make an order, whiche cannot bee kepte, and to take pain to
beare a liarneis, that cannot defende a man.

FABUICIO. This question of yours (bicause it hath many
heddes) hath neede of a long aunswere. It is true, that I An aunswere
made not thartillery to shoote more than ones, and also of *p tlie 4ues-
thesame ones, I stoode in doubte : the occasion was, for ^mau^ded*6
asmoche as it importeth more, for one to take hede not to concernyng'
be striken, then it importeth to strike the enemie. You the shoting of
have to understande, that to purpose that a pece of ordinaunce.
ordinaunce hurte you not, it is necessarie either to stande
where it cannot reche you, or to get behinde a wall, or
behinde a banke : other thing there is not that can witholde
it : and it is nedefull also, that the one and the other be
moste strong. Those capitaines whiche come to faight a
field, cannot stand behind a wal, or behind bankes, nor
where thei maie not be reached : therfore it is mete for them,
seyng thei cannot finde a waie to defende them, to finde
some mean, by the whiche thei maie be least hurte : nor
thei cannot finde any other waie, then to prevente it
quickly: the waie to prevent it, is to go to finde it out of
hande, and hastely, not at leasure and in a heape : for that
through spede, the blowe is not suffered to bee redoubled,
and by the thinnesse, lesse nomber of menne maie be hurt.
This, a bande of menne ordered, cannot dooe ; bicause if the-
same marche hastely, it goweth out of order: if it go
scattered, the enemie shall have no paine to breake it, for
that it breaketh by it self: and therfore, I ordered the
armic after soche sorte, that it might dooe the one thvng

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The best
remedie to
avoide the
hurte that the
enemie in the
fielde maie
doe with his
ordinaunce.

A policie
against bowes
and dartes.

Nothyng
causeth
greater con
fusion in an
armie, than
to hinder
mennes
fightes.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

and the other : for as moche as havyng set in the corners
thereof, a thousande Veliti, I appoincted that after that our
ordinaunce had shotte, thei should issue out together with
the light horsemen, to get the enemies artillerie : and
therfore, I made not my ordinance to shoote again, to the
intente, to give no tyme to the enemie to shoote : Bicause
space could not be given to me, and taken from other men,
and for thesame occasion, where I made my ordinaunce not
to shoote the seconde tyme, was for that I would not have
suffered the enemie to have shot at al, if I had could : seyng
that to mynde that the enemies artillerie be unprofitable,
there is no other remedie, but to assaulte it spedely : for as
moche as if the enemies forsake it, thou takeste it, if thei
will defende it, it is requisite that thei leave it behind, so
that being possessed of enemies, and of frendes, it cannot
shoote. I would beleve, that with out insamples these
reasons should suffice you, yet beyng able to shewe olde en-
samples, to prove my saiynges true, I will. Ventidio
commyng to faight a field with the Parthians, whose
strength for the moste part, consisted in bowes and arrowes,
he suffered theim almoste to come harde to his campe, before
he drewe out his armie, the whiche onely he did, to be able
quickly to prevent them : and not to give them space to
shoote. Cesar when he was in Fraunce, maketh mencion,
that in faighting a battaile with the enemies, he was with so
moche furie assaulted of them, that his menne had no time
to whorle their Dartes, accordyng to the custome of the
Romaines : wherfore it is seen, that to intende, that a
thyng that shooteth farre of, beyng in the field, doe not
hurte thee, there is no other remedy, then with as moche
celeritie as maie bee, to prevente it. An other cause moved
me to precede, without shotyng the ordinaunce, whereat
perad venture you will laugh : yet I judge not that it is to be
dispraised. Ther is nothyng that causeth greater confusion
in an armie, then to hinder mennes fightes : whereby many
moste puisaunte armies have been broken, by meanes their
fighte hath been letted, either with duste, or with the
Sunne : yet there is nothyng, that more letteth the sight

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

then the smoke that the artillerie maketh in shotyng: THE
therfore, I would thinke that it wer more wisedome, to THIKDE
suffer the enemie to blinde hymself, then to purpose (thou BOOKE
beyng blind) to go to h'nde hym: for this cause, either I Nothingmore
would not shote, or (for that this should not be proved, bl'»deth the
considering the reputacion that the artillerie hath) I would siK}'tof men
place it on the corners of the armie, so that shootyng, it the^the"16'
should not with the smoke thereof, blinde the front of smoke of
thesame, uhiche is the importaunce of my men. And to ordinaunce.
prove that it is a profitable thyng, to let the sight of A policie to
the enemie, there maie be brought for insample Epami- trouble the
nondas, whom to blind the enemies armie, whiche came enemie881Rht-
to faight with hym, he caused his light horsemen, to
run before the fronte of the enemies, to raise up the duste,
and to lette their sight, whereby he gotte the victorie.
And where it semeth unto you, that I have guided the
shot of the artillerie, after my owne devise, making it to The shotte of
passe over the heddes of my men, I answer you, that most Create ordi-
often tymes, and without comparison, the greate ordinaunce °aunce.in the
misse the footemen, moche soner than hitte theim : for ^whe to Tel
that the footemen are so lowe, and those so difficult to fe.-ired of
shoote; that every little that thou raisest theim, thei passe fotemenne.
over the heddes of men : and if thei be leveled never so
little to lowe, thei strike in the yearth, and the blowe
cometh not to theim : also the unevenesse of the grounde
saveth them, for that every little hillocke, or high place
that is, betwene the men and thordinance, letteth the shot
therof. And concernyng horsmen, and in especially men of **lcau8C
armes, bicause thei ought to stand more close together, then arm es stand
the light horsemen, and for that thei are moche higher, maie closer to-
the better be stroken, thei maie, untill the artillerie have gather then
shotte, be kepte in the taile of the armie. True it is, that Jjf^1 }^™'
the Harkebutters doe moche more hurt, and the field peccs, "u^h't to re-
then the greate ordinance, for the whiche, the greatest mainebehinde
remedy is, to come to hande strokes quickly : and if in the tllc armie till
firste ussaulte, there be slaine some, alwnies there shall bee the enemies
slaine : but a good capitaine, and a good armie, ought not hav^doeT
to make a coumpte of a hurte, that is particulare, but of a ihootyng.

115

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE generall, and to imitate the Suizzers, whom never eschue to
THIRDE faight, beyng made afraied of the artillerie : but rather
BOOKE punishe with death those, whiche for feare thereof, either
should go out of the ranke, or should make with his body
any signe of feare. I made them (so sone as thei had
shotte) to bee retired into the armie, that thei might leave
the waie free for the battaile : I made no more mencion of
theim, as of a thyng unprofitable, the faight beyng begun.
You have also saied, that consideryng the violence of this
instrument, many judge the armours, and the auncient
orders to be to no purpose, and it semeth by this your
talke, that men now a daies, have founde orders and armours,
whiche are able to defend them against the artillerie : if
you knowe this, I would bee glad that you would teache it
me : for that hetherto, I never sawe any, nor I beleve that
there can any be founde : so that I would understande of
soche men, for what cause the souldiours on foote in these
daies, weare the breastplate, or the corselet of steele, and
thei on horsebacke go all armed : bicause seyng that thei
blame the aunciente armyng of men as unprofitable, con-
sidryng the artillery, thei ought to despise also this ? I
would understande moreover, for what occasion the Suizzers,
like unto the auncient orders, make a battaile close together
of sixe, or eight thousande menne, and for what occasion all
other have imitated theim, this order bearyng the verie
same perill, concernyng the artillerie, that those other
should beare, whiche should imitate the antiquitie. I beleve
thei should not knowe what to answere : but if you should
aske soche Souldiours, as had some judgement, thei would
aunswere first, that thei go armed, for that though thesame
armoure defende theim not from the artillerie : it defendeth
them from crossebowes, from Pikes, from sweardes, from
stones, and from all other hurt, that commeth from the
enemies, thei would answere also, that thei went close
together, like the Suizzers, to be able more easely to over
throw the footemen, to be able to withstand better the
horse and to give more difficultie to the enemie to breake
them : so that it is seen, that the souldiours have to feare
116

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

many other thynges besides the ordinance : from which THE

thynges, with the armours, and with the orders, thei Til HIDE

are defended : whereof foloweth, that the better that an BOOKE

armie is armed, and the closer that it hath the orders, and

stronger, so moche the surer it is : so that he that is of

thesame opinion, that you saie, it behoveth either that he

bee of smalle wisedome, or that in this thyng, he hath

studied verie little : for as moche as if we see, that so little

a parte of the aunciente maner of armyng, whiche is used

now a daies, that is the pike, and so little a parte of those

orders, as are the maine battailes of the Suizzers, dooe us so

moche good, and cause our armies to bee so strong, why

ought not we to beleve, that the other armours, and thother

orders whiche are lefte, be profitable? Seyng that if we

have no regard to the artillerie, in puttyng our selves close

together, as the Suizzers, what other orders maie make us

more to feare thesame ? For as moche as no order can cause

us so moche to feare thesame, as those, whiche bryng men

together. Besides this, if the artillerie of the enemies

should not make me afraied, in besiegyng a Tonne, where it

hurteth me with more safegarde, beyng defended of a wall,

I beyng not able to prevente it, but onely with tyme, with

my artillerie to lette it, after soche sorte that it maie double

the blowe as it liste, why should I feare thesame in the

field, where I maie quickly prevent it? So that I conclude The artillerie

thus, that the artillerie, according to my opinion, doeth not is »° let, why

let, that the aunciente maners cannot be used, and to shewe . aun<j!ent

the auncient vertue : and if I had not talked alreadie with J£r ou^hVnot"

you of this instrument, I would of thesame, declare unto to be used in

you more at length : but I will remit my self to that, these daies.

whiche then I saied.

LUIGI. Wee maie now understande verie well, how moche
you have aboute the artillerie discoursed : and in conclu
sion, my thinkes you have shewed, that the preventyng it
quickly, is the greatest reined ie, that maie be had for the
same, beyng in the fielde, and havyng an armie againste
you. Upon the whiche there groweth in me a double :
bicause me thinkes, that the enemie might place his

117

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE ordinaunce in soche wise, in his armie, that it should hurt
THIRDE you, and should be after soche sort garded of the footemen,
BOOKE that it could not be prevented. You have (if you remember
your self well) in the orderyng of your armie to faight, made
distaunces of three yardes, betwene the one battaile and the
other, makyng those distaunces fiftene, whiche is from the
battailes, to thextraordinarie pikes : if thenemie, shuld order
his armie like unto yours, and should putte the artillerie a
good waie within those spaces, I beleve that from thens, it
should hurte you with their moste greate safegard : bicause
menne can not enter into the force of their enemies to
prevent it.

FABRICIO. You doubt moste prudently, and I will devise
with my self, either to resolve you the doubte, or shewe you
the remedie : I have tolde you, that continually these
battailes, either through goyng, or thorowe faightyng, are
movyng, and alwaies naturally, thei come to drawe harde
together, so that if you make the distaunces of a small
breadth, where you set the artillerie, in a little tyme thei
be shootte up, after soche sort, that the artillerie cannot
any more shoote : if you make theim large, to avoide this
perill, you incurre into a greater, where you through those
distances, not onely give commoditie to the enemie, to
take from you the artillerie, but to break e you : but you
have to understande, that it is impossible to keepe the
artillerie betwene the bandes, and in especially those whiche
go on carriages : For that the artillerie goeth one waie,
and shoote th an other waie : So that havyng to go and to
shoote, it is necessary, before thei shote, that thei tourne,
and for to tourne theim, thei will have so moche space, that
fiftie cartes of artillerie, would disorder any armie : therfore,
it is mete to kepe them out of the bandes, where thei may
be overcome in the maner, as a little afore we have shewed :
but admit thei might be kept, and that there might be
found a waie betwen bothe, and of soche condicion, that the
presyng together, of men should not hinder the artillerie,
and were not so open that it should give waie to the enemie,
I saie, that it is remedied moste easely, with makyng dis-

118

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

tances in thy armie against it, whiche maie give free passage THE

to the shot of those, and so the violence thereof shall come THIRDE

to be vain, the which maie be doen moste easely : for BOOKE

asmoche, as the enemie mindyng to have his artillerie stand

safe, it behoveth that he put them behinde, in the furthest

part of the distances, so that the shot of the same, he pur-

posyng that thei hurt not his owne men, ought to passe by

right line, and by that very same alwaies : and therefore with

givyng theim place, easely thei maie bee avoided : for that A penerall

this is a generall rule, that to those thynges, whiche cannot rule a^ai"s

be withstoode, there must bee given waie, as the antiquitie
made to the Eliphantes, and to the carres full of hookes. I
beleve, ye, I am more then certaine, that it semeth unto
you, that I have ordered and wonne a battaile after my own
maner: notwithstanding, I answeer unto you this, when so
moche as I have saied hetherto, should not suffice, that it
should be impossible, that an armie thus ordered, and
armed, should not overcome at the first incounter, any other
armie that should bee ordained, as thei order the armies
now adaies, whom most often tymes, make not but one
front, havyng no targaettes, and are in soche wise unarmed,
that thei cannot defende themselves from the enemie at
hand, and thei order theim after soche sorte, that if thei set
their battailes by flanck, the one to the other, thei make
the armie thinne : if thei put the one behind the other,
havyng no waie to receive the one the other, thei doe it
confusedly, and apt to be easly troubled : and although
thei give three names to their armies, and devide them
into thre companies, vaward, battaile, and rereward, not-
withstandyng it serveth to no other purpose, then to
marche, and to distinguis the lodgynges : but in the daie
of battaile, thei binde them all to the first brunte, and to
the first fortune.

LUIGI. I have noted also in the faightyng of your fielde,
how your horsemen were repulced of the enemies horsemen :
for whiche cause thei retired to the extraordinarie Pikes :
whereby grewe, that with the aide of theim, thei withstode,
and drave the enemies backe ? I beleve that the Pikes maie

119

THE
THIRDE
BOOKE

A battaile how
greate so ever
it bee, cannot
atones occupy
above v.
rankes of
Pikes.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

withstande the horses, as you sale, but in a grosse and
thicke maine battaile, as the Suizzers make : but you in
your army, have for the hedde five rankes of Pikes, and for
the flancke seven, so that I cannot tell how thei maie bee
able to withstande them.

FABRITIO. Yet I have told you, how sixe rankes of pikes wer
occupied at ones, in the Macedonicall Falangi, albeit you
ought to understande, that a maine battaile of Suizzers, if
it were made of a thousande rankes, it cannot occupie more
then fower, or at the most five : bicause the Pikes be sixe
yardes and three quarters longe, one yarde and halfe a
quarter, is occupied of the handes, wherefore to the firste
ranke, there remaineth free five yardes and a half, and a
halfe quarter of Pike : the seconde ranke besides that,
whiche is occupied with the hande, consumeth a yarde and
half a quarter in the space, whiche remaineth betwene the
one ranke and thother : so that there is not left of pike
profitable, more then fower yardes and a halfe: to the
thirde ranke, by this verie same reason, there remaineth
three yardes and a quarter and a halfe : to the fowerth,
twoo yardes and a quarter : to the fift one yard and halfe a
quarter : the other rankes, for to hurte, be unprofitable,
but thei serve to restore these firste rankes, as we have
declared, and to bee a fortificacion to those v. Then if
five of their rankes can withstande the horse, why cannot five
of ours withstande theim ? to the whiche also there lacketh
not rankes behinde, that doeth sustain and make them the
very same staie, although thei have no pikes as the other.
And when the rankes of thextraordinarie pikes, which are
placed on the flanckes, should seme unto you thinne, thei
maie bee brought into a quadrante, and put on the flancke
nere the twoo battailes, whiche I set in the laste companie of
the armie : From the whiche place, thei maie easely alto
gether succour the fronte, and the backe of the armie, and
minister helpe to the horses, accordyng as nede shall
require.

LUIGI. Would you alwaies use this forme of order, when
you would pitche a fielde.

120

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

FABRITIO. No in no wise : for that you ought to varie the THE
facion of the armie, according to the qualitie of the situa- Til HIDE
cion, and the condicion and quantitie of the enemie, as BOOKE
before this reasonyng dooe ende, shall bee shewed certaine
insamples : but this forme is given unto you, not so moche
as moste strongeste of all, where in deede it is verie strong,
as to the intente that thereby you maie take a rule, and an
order to learne to knowe the waies to ordeine the other :
for as moche, as every science hath his generalitie, upon the
whiche a good part of it is grounded. One thing onely I An advertis-
advise you, that you never order an armie, after soche sorte, n\ent i-on-
that those that faight afore, cannot bee sucoured of theim, °?™yng
whiche be set behind : bicause he that committeth this
errour, maketh the greateste parte of his armie to bee un
profitable, and if it incounter any strength, it cannot
overcome.

LUIGI. There is growen in me, upon this parte a doubte.
I have seen that in the placyng of the battailes, you make
the fronte of five on a side, the middeste of three, and the
last partes of twoo, and I beleve, that it were better to
ordain them contrariwise : for that I thinke, that an armie
should with more difficultie bee broken, when he that should
charge upon it, the more that he should entre into the-
same, so moche the stronger he should finde it : and the
order devised of you, me thinkes maketh, that the more it is
entered into, so moche the weaker it is founde.

FABRICIO. If you should remember how to the Triarii,
whom were the thirde order of the llomain Legions, there
were not assigned more then sixe hundred men, you would
doubt lesse, havyng understode how thei were placed in the
laste companie : For that you should see, how I moved of
this insample, have placed in the last companie twoo bat-
tailefi, whiche are nine hundred men, so that I come rather
(folowyng the insample of the Homainc people) to erre, for
havyng taken to many, then to fewe : and although this
insample should suffice, I will tell you the reason, the which
is this. The first fronte of the armie, is made perfectly
whole and thicke, bicause it must withstande the brunt of

Q 121

THE
THIRDE
BOOKE

How the front
of the armie
ought to bee
made.

How the
middell part
of the armie
outfht to be
ordered.

The orderyng
of the hinder
part of
thiirmy.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

the enemies, and it hath not to receive in it any of their
felowes : and for this, it is fitte that it bee full of menne :
bicause a fewe menne, should make it weake, either for
thinnesse, or for lacke of sufficiente nomber : but the seconde
companie, for as moche as it must first receive their frendes,
to sustain the enemie, it is mete that it have greate spaces,
and for this it behoveth, that it be of lesse nomber then the
first : for that if it wer of greater nomber, or equall, it should
bee conveniente, either not to leave the distaunces, the
whiche should be disorder, or leavyng theim, to passe the
boundes of those afore, the whiche should make the facion of
the armie unperfecte : and it is not true that you saie, that
the enemie, the more that he entereth into the maine bat-
taile, so moche the weaker he findeth it : for that the
enemie, can never faight with the seconde order, except the
first be joined with thesame : so that he cometh to finde the
middest of the maine battaile more stronger, and not more
weaker, havyng to faight with the first, and with the seconde
order altogether : the verie same happeneth, when the
enemie should come to the thirde companie : for that there,
not with twoo battailes, whiche is founde freshe, but with
all the maine battaile he must faight : and for that this last
part hath to receive moste men, the spaces therof is requi
site to be greatest, and that whiche receiveth them, to be
the leste nomber.

LUIGI. It pleaseth me thesame that you have told : but
answere me also this : if the five first battailes doe retire
betwene the three seconde battailes, and after the eight
betwene the twoo thirde, it semeth not possible, that the
eight beyng brought together, and then the tenne to
gether, maie bee received when thei bee eight, or when
thei be tenne in the verie same space, whiche received
the five.

FABRICIO. The first thyng that I aunswere is, that it is
not the verie same space : For that the five have fower
spaces in the middeste, whiche retiryng betwene the thre,
or betwene the twoo, thei occupie : then there remaineth
thesame space, that is betwene the one maine battaile and

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

the other, and thesame that is, betwene the battailes, and THE

the extraordinarie Pikes, al the whiche spaces makes large- THIRDE

nesse: besides this, it is to bee considered, that the battailes BOOKE

kepe other maner of spaces, when thei bee in the orders

without beyng altered, then when thei be altered : for that

in the alteracion : either thei throng together, or thei

inlarge the orders : thei inlarge theini, when thei feare so

moche, that thei fall to Hiyng, thei thrust them together,

when thei feare in soche wise, that thei seke to save them

selves, not with runnyng a waie, but with defence : So that

in this case, thei should come to be destingueshed, and not

to be inlarged. Moreover, the h've rankes of the Pikes, that The retire of

are before, so sone as thei have begun the faighte, thei the Pikes, to

ought betwene their battailes to retire, into the taile of pja«e the 'I ar-

the armie, for to give place to the Targaet men, that thei ^

maic faighte : and thei goyng into the taile of the armie,

male dooe soche service as the capitain should judge, were

good to occupie theim aboute, where in the forward, the

faiglit beyng mingled, thei should otherwise bee altogether

unprofitable. And for this the spaces ordained, come to

bee for the remnaunte of the menne, wide inough to receive

them : yet when these spaces should not suffice, the ttankes

on the sides be men, and not walles, whom givyng

place, and inlargyng them selves, maie make the space to

containe so moclie, that it maie bee sufficient to receive

theim.

LUIGI. The rankes of the extraordinarie Pikes, whiche
you place on the rlanckes of the armie, when the first bat
tailes retire into the second, will you have them to stande
still, and remain with twoo homes to the armie? Or will How the
you that thei also retire together, with the battailes? The pikes that are
whiche when thei should do, I see not how thei can, havyng jj^g/J}
no battailes behinde with distaunces that maie receive ty,e armje
them. ought to

FAHRITIO. If the enemie overcome theim not, when he governe them

inforceth the battailes to retire, thei maie stande still in "?lves

, . i p, ,1 , the rest of the

tneir order, and hurte the enemie on the nanck, after that ,irrnieisdriven
the firste battailes were retired : but if he should also over- to retire.

123

THE
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Thexercise of
the army in
geiierall.

The nomber
that is mete
to be written
in the Ansigne
of every band
of men.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

come theim, as semeth reason, beyng so puisaunte, thai: he
is able to repulce the other, thei also ought to retire :
whiche thei maie dooe excellently well, although thei have
not behinde, any to receive them : bicause from the middest,
thei maie redouble by right line, entring the one rarike into
the other, in the maner whereof wee reasoned, when it was
spoken of the order of redoublyng : True it is, that to
mynde redoublyng to retire backe, it behoveth to take an
other waie, then thesame that I shewed you : for that I
told you, that the second ranke, ought to enter into the
first, the fowerth into the thirde, and so foorth : in this
case, thei ought not to begin before, but behinde, so that
redoublyng the rankes, thei maie come to retire backewarde,
not to tourne forward : but to aunswere to all thesame, that
upon this foughten field by me shewed, might of you bee
replied. I saie unto you again, that I have ordained you
this armie, and shewed this foughten field for two causes,
thone, for to declare unto you how it is ordered, the other
to shewe you how it is exercised : thorder, I beleve you
understande moste well : and concernyng the exersice, I
saie unto you, that thei ought to be put together in this
forme, as often times as maie be : for as moche as the heddes
learne therby, to kepe their battailes in these orders : for
that to particulare souldiours, it appertaineth to keepe well
the orders of every battaile, to the heddes of the battailes,
it appertaineth to keepe theim well in every order of the
armie, and that thei knowe how to obeie, at the commaunde-
ment of the generall capitain : therefore, it is conveniente
that thei knowe, how to joyne the one battaile with thother,
that thei maie knowe how to take their place atones : and
for this cause it is mete that thansigne of every battaile,
have written in some evident part, the nomber therof: as
well for to be able to commaunde them, as also for that the
capitain, and the souldiours by thesame nomber, maie more
easely knowe theim againe : also the maine battailes, ought
to be nombred, and to have the nomber in their principall
Ansigne : Therefore it is requisite, to knowe of what nomber
the maine battaile shall be, that is placed on the left, or on
124

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

the right home, of what nombers the battailes bee, that are THE

set in the fronte, and in the middeste, and so foorthe of the TH1KDK

other. The antiquitie would also, that these nombers HOOKK

should bee steppes to degrees, of honors of the armies : as

for insample, the first degree, is the Peticapitain, the The degrees

seconde, the hedde of fiftie ordinarie Veliti, the thirde, the ot honours in

Centurion, the fowerth, the hedde of the first battaile, the

fifte, of the second, the sixt, of the thirde, and so forthe, .

even to the tenth battaile, the whiche must be honoured in to rise by, as

the seconde place, nexte the generall capitaine of a maine should bee

battaile : nor any ought to come to thesame hedde, if first, ™*de :i Feru>-

he have not risen up by all these degrees. And bicause r

besides these heddes, there be the three Conestables of the

extraordinarie Pikes, and twoo of the extraordinarie Veliti,

I would that thei should be in the same degree of the

Conestable of the first battaile : nor I would not care, that

there were sixe men of like degree, to thintent, that every

one of them might strive, who should doe beste, for to be

promised to be hedde of the seconde battaile. Then every

one of these heddes, knowyng in what place his battaile

ought to be sette in, of necessitie it must folowe, that at

a sounde of the Trompette, so sone as the hedde stan-

darde shall bee erected, all the armie shall be in their

places : and this is the first exercise, whereunto an armie

ought to bee accustomed, that is to set theim quickly

together : and to doe this, it is requisite every daie, and

divers times in one daie, to set them in order, and to

disorder them.

LUIGI. What armes would you that thansignes of all the
armie, should have beside the nomber ?

FAURITIO. The standarde of the generall Capitaine oughte The armes
to have the armes of the Prince of the armie, all the other, thatoughteto
maie have the verie same armes, and to varie with the fieldes, |'ce '" tlu'
or to varie with the armes, as should seme beste to the a^'in^fe
Lorde of the armie: Bicause this importeth little, so that ansi^nes of
the effect growe, that thei be knowen the one from the an armie.
other. But let us passe to the other exercise : the which
is to make them to move, and with a convenient pace to

125

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE marche, and to se, that marchyng thei kepe the orders.
THIRDE The third exercise is, that thei learne to handle themselves
BOOKE in thesame maner, whiche thei ought after to handle theim-
The second selves in the daie of battaile, to cause the artillerie to
and thirde shoote, and to bee drawen out of the waie, to make the
exercise of an extraordinarie Veliti to issue out, after a likenes of an
assault, to retire theim : To make that the firste battailes,
as though thei wer sore charged, retire into the spaces of
the second : and after, all into the thirde, and from thens
every one to retourne to his place : and in soche wise to use
theim in this exercise, that to every manne, all thyng maie
be knowen, and familiar : the which with practise, and with
familiaritie, is brought to passe moste quickly. The
The fowerth fowerth exercise is, that thei learne to knowe by meane
exercise of an of the sounde, and of the Ansigne, the commaundemente
armie. Qf ^heir capitaine : for as moche as that, whiche shall be to

them pronounced by voice, thei without other commaunde
mente, maie understande : and bicause the importaunce of
this commaundement, ought to growe of the sounde, I shall
tell you what soundes the antiquitie used. Of the Lacede-
The soundes monians, accordyng as Tucidido affirmeth, in their armies
of the instru- were used Flutes: for that thei judged, that this armonie,
ernes of wag moste mete to make their armie to precede with gravetie,
the antiquitie an^ with furie : the Carthaginens beyng moved by thisverie
used in their same reason, in the first assaulte, used the violone. Aliatte
armies. kyng of the Lidians, used in the warre the violone, and the

Flutes : but Alexander Magnus, and the Romaines, used
homes, and Trumpettes, as thei, that thought by vertue of
soche instrumentes, to bee able to incourage more the
myndes of Souldiours, and make theim to faight the more
lustely : but as we have in armyng the armie, taken of the
Greke maner, and of the Romaine, so in distributyng
the soundes, we will keepe the customes of the one, and
of the other nacion : therefore, nere the generall capitain, I
would make the Trompettes to stand, as a sounde not
onely apt to inflame the armie, but apte to bee heard in all
the whole tumoult more, then any other sounde : all the
other soundes, whiche should bee aboute the Conestables, and
126

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

the heddes of maine battailes I would, that thei should bee THE
smalle Drummes, and Flutes, sounded not as thei sounde TH1KDE
theim now, but as thei use to sounde theim at feastes. The 1JOOKE
capitaine then with the Trompet, should shewe when thei Whatissigni-
must stand e still, and go forward, or tourne backward, when fied by the
the artillerie must shoote, when the extraordinarie Veliti fVunde °* tlie
must move, and with the varietie or distinccion of soche
soundes, to shewe unto the armie all those mocions, whit-he
generally maie bee shewed, the whiche Trompettes, should
bee after followed of the Drummes, and in this exercise,
bicause it importeth moche, it behoveth moche to exercise
the armie. Concernyng the horsemen, there would be used
likewise Trompettes, but of a lesse sounde, and of a divers
voice from those of the Capitaine. This is as moche as is
come into my remembraunce, aboute the order of the armie,
and of the exercise of thesame.

LUK;I. I praie you let it not be grevous unto you to
declare unto me an other thyng, that is, for what cause you
made the light horsmen, and the extraordinarie Veliti, to
goe with cries, rumours, and furie, when thei gave the
charge ? And after in the incountering of the rest of tharmie,
you shewed, that the thing folowed with a moste greate
scilence? And for that I understande not the occasion
of this varietie, I would desire that you would declare
it unto me.

FABRITIO. The opinion of auncient capitaines, hath been
divers about the commyng to handes, whether thei ought
with rumour to go a pace, or with scilence to go faire and
softely : this laste waie, serveth to kepe the order more The cries,
sure, and to understande better the comnmundementes of the -'"id rumours,
Capitaine : the firste, serveth to incourage more the mindes \vht>r wit1' the
of men : and for that I beleve, that respecte ought to bee f/^ten u^o
had to the one, and to the other of these twoo thvnges, the <>n<>inios,
I made the one goe with rumour, and thother with scilence : nndthesili'iire
nor me thinkes not in any wise, that the continual! rumours tliat ou^rllt to
bee to purpose : bicause thei lette the commaundementes, the ^j^tJM.1^'
whiche is a thyng moste pernicious : nor it standeth not with fajjr},t is ones
reason, that the Romanies used, except at the firste assaulte h

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE to make rumour : for that in their histories, is seen many
THIRDE tymes to have happened, that through the wordes, and com-
BOOKE fortinges of the capitain the souldiours that ranne awaie, were
made to stande to it, and in sundrie wise by his com-
maundemente, to have varied the orders, the whiche
should not have followed, if the rumoures had
been louder then his voyce.

128

THE FOWERTH BOOKE

OF THE ARTE OF WARRE OF

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL, CITEZEINE

AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,

UNTO

LAURENCE PHILIP STROZZE.

K

THE ARTE OF WAR HE

THE FOWERTH BOOKE

LUIGI.

ENG that under my governement, a field
hath been wonne so honourably, I suppose
that it is good, that I tempt not fortune
any more, knowyng how variable, and
unstable she is : and therefore, I desire
to give up my governement, and that
/anobi do execute now this office of
demaundyng, mindyng to followe the
order, whiclie concerneth the youngeste : and I knowe he
will not refuse this honoure, or as we would saie, this
labour, as well for to doe me pleasure, as also for beyng
naturally of more stomach than I : nor it shall not make
hym afraied, to have to enter into these travailes, where he
maie bee as well overcome, as able to conquere.

ZANOBI. I am readie to do what soever shall please you to
appoincte me, although that I desire more willingly to heare :
for as moche as hetherto, your questions have satisfied me
more, then those should have pleased me, whiche in harken-
yng to your reasonyng, hath chaunced to come into my
remembraunce. But sir, I beleve that it is good, that you
lese no tyme, and that you have pacience, if with these our
Ceremonies we trouble you.

FAHRICIO. You doe me rather pleasure, for that this
variacion of dernaunders, maketh me to knowe the sundric
wittes, and sunderie appetites of yours : But remaincth
there any thyng, whiche seemeth unto you good, to bee
joyned to the matter, that alreadie hath been reasoned of?

131

THE

FOWERTH
BOOKE

To deffende
moche the
fronte of an
armie, is most
perillous.

What is beste
for a capi-
taiue to dooe,
where his
power is,
moche lesse
then

theriemies
power.

A general
rule.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

ZANOBI. Twoo thinges I desire, before you passe to an
other parte : the one is, to have you to shewe, if in orderyng
armies, there needeth to bee used any other facion : the
other, what respectes a capitaine ought to have, before
he conducte his men to the faight, and in thesame any
accidente risyng or growyng, what reamedie maie be had.

FABKICIO. I will inforce my self to satisfie you, I will not
answere now distinctly to your questions : for that whileste
I shall aunswere to one, many tymes it will come to passe,
that I muste aunswere to an other. I have tolde you, how I
have shewed you a facion of an armie, to the intent, that
accordyng to thesame, there maie bee given all those
facions, that the enemie, and the situacion requireth : For
as moche as in this case, bothe accordyng to the power
thereof, and accordyng to the enemie, it proceadeth : but
note this, that there is not a more perillous facion, then
to deffende moche the front of tharmie, if then thou have
not a most puisant, and moste great hoste : otherwise, thou
oughtest to make it rather grosse, and of small largenesse,
then of moche largenes and thin : for when thou hast fewe
men in comparison to thenemie, thou oughtest to seke other
remedies, as is to ordain thine army in soche a place, wher
thou maiest be fortefied, either through rivers, or by meanes
of fennes, after soch sort, that thou canst not bee compassed
aboute, or to inclose thy self on the flanckes with diches, as
Cesar did in Fraunce. You have to take in this cace, this
general 1 rule, to inlarge your self, or to draw in your self
with the front, according to your nomber, and thesame
of the enemie. For thenemies being of lesse nomber, thou
oughtest to seke large places, havyng in especially thy men
well instructed : to the intent thou maiest, not onely corn-
passe aboute the enemie, but to deffende thy orders : for
that in places rough and difficulte, beyng not able to
prevaile of thy orders, thou commeste not to have any
advauntage, hereby grewe, that the Romaines al moste
alwaies, sought the open fieldes, and advoided the straightes.
To the contrarie, as I have said, thou oughtest to doe, if
thou hast fewe menne, or ill instructed : for that then thou

132

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

oughteste to seeke places, either where the little nomber THE
male be saved, and where the small experience dooe not FOWERTH
hurte thee : Thou oughtest also to chuse the higher BOOKE
grounde, to be able more easely to infest them : not- The higher
withstandyng, this advertisment ought to be had, not to grounde
ordaine thy armie, where the enemie maie spie what thou °™^
doest, and in place nere to the rootes of the same, where the
enemies ;irmie maie come : For that in this case, havyng An advertis-
respecte unto the artillerie, the higher place shall gette thee ment not to
disadvauntage : Bicause that alwaies and commodiously, ^('®ajj*rlnie
thou mightest of the enemies artillerie bee hurte, without enemie maie
beyng able to make any remedy, and thou couldest not Se what the
commodiously hurte thesame, beyng hindered by thine same doeth.
owne men. Also, he that prepareth an armie to faight a HespeoteR for
battaile, ought to have respecte, bothe to the Sunne, and to theSonneand
the Winde, that the one and the other, doe not hurte the Wimie-
fronte, for that the one and the other, will let thee the
sight, the one with the beames, and the other with the
duste : and moreover, the Winde hindereth the weapons,
whiche are stroken at the enemie, and maketh their blowes
more feable : and concerning the Sunne, it sufficeth not to
have care, that at the firste it shine not in the face, but it
is requisite to consider, that increasyng the daie, it hurte
thee not : and for this, it should bee requsite in order-
yng the men, to have it all on the backc, to the entente it
should have to passe moche tynie, to come to lye on the
fronte. This waie was observed of Aniball at Canne, and
of Mario against the Cimbrians. If thou happen to be
moche inferiour of horses, ordaine thine armie emongeste
Vines, and trees, and like impedimentes, as in our time the
Spaniardes did, when thei overthrewe the Frenchmenne at
Cirignuola. And it hath been seen many times, with all The variyng
one Souldiours, variyng onely the order, and the place, that of order and

thei have become of losers victorers : as it happened to the Plare niaic
/-« ii 11 i f -\t cau>e the

Carthageners, whom havyng been overcome of Marcus ron,juere(j

Regolus divers tymes, were after by the counsaill of San- to become
tippo, a Lacedemonian, victorious : whom made them to go victorius.
doune into the plaine, where by vertue of the horses, and of

133

THE

FOWERTH
BOOKE

A policie in
the ordering
of men and
pitchyng' of
a fielde.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

Eliphantes, thei were able to overcome the Romanies. It
semes unto me, accordyng to the auncient insamples, that
almoste all the excellente Capitaines, when thei have
knowen, that the enemie hath made strong one side of his
battaile, thei have not set against it, the moste strongest
parte, but the moste weakest, and thother moste strongest,
thei have set against the most weakest : after in the begin
ning the faighte, thei have commaunded to their strongest
parte, that onely thei sustaine the enemie, and not to
preace upon hym, and to the weaker, that thei suffer them
selves to be overcome, and to retire into the hindermoste
bandes of the armie. This breadeth twoo greate disorders
to the enemie : the firste, that he findeth his strongest
parte compassed about, the second is, that semyng unto
him to have the victorie, seldome tymes it happeneth, that
thei disorder not theim selves, whereof groweth his sodain
losse. Cornelius Scipio beyng in Spain, againste Asdruball
of Carthage, and understanding how to Asdruball it was
knowen, that he in the orderyng the armie, placed his
Legions in the middest, the whiche was the strongest parte
of his armie, and for this how Asdruball with like order
ought to procede : after when he came to faighte the
battaile, he chaunged order, and put his Legions on the
homes of the armie, and in the middest, placed all his
weakeste men : then commyng to the handes, in a sodain
those men placed in the middeste, he made to marche softly,
and the homes of the armie, with celeritie to make forwarde,
so that onely the homes of bothe the armies fought, and
the bandes in the middest, through beyng distaunt the one
from the other, joyned not together, and thus the strongest
parte of Scipio, came to faight with the weakest of Asdru
ball, and overcame hym. The whiche waie was then pro
fitable, but now havyng respect to the artillerie, it cannot be
used : bicause the same space, whiche should remain in the
middest, betwene the one armie and the other, should give
tyme to thesame to shoote : The whiche is moste pernicious,
as above is saied : Therefore it is requisite to laie this waie
aside, and to use, as a little afore we saied, makyng all the
134

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

armie to incounter, and the weakest parte to give place. THE
When a capitaine perceiveth, that he hath a greater armie FOWKKTH
then his enemie, mindyng to compasse hym aboute, before BOOKE
he be aware, let hym ordaine his fronte equal), to thesame How to com-
of his adversaries, after, so sone as the faight is begun, let J)aS8e about
hym make the fronte by a little and little to retire, and the thc en«"iei
flanckes to deffende, and ulwaies it shall happen, that the ^
enemie shal find hym self, before he be aware compassed
about. When a capitain will faight, as it wer sure not to How a capi-
be broken, let hym ordaine his armie in place, where he tajne lllaie

hath refuse nere, and safe, either betwene Fennes, or betwene fai^llt 5.m(*
1-11 I L -L e L\ i • ii • i °ee as it were

hilles, or by some strong citee : for that in this case, he sure, not to be

cannot bee followed of the enemie, where the enemie maie overcome,
be pursued of him : this poincte was used of Aniball, when
fortune began to become his adversarie,and that lie doubted
of the valiauntnesse of Marcus Marcello. Some to trouble How to
the orders of the enemie, have commaunded those that were troul)le the
light armed, to begin the faight, and that beyng begunne, °nem7e ^
to retire betwene the orders : and when the armies were
after buckled together, and that the fronte of either of them
were occupied in faightyng, thei have made theim to issue
out by the flanckes of the battaile, and thesame have
troubled and broken. If any perceive hymself to bee What a capi-
inferiour of horse, he maie besides the waies that are alredie taine ou
shewed, place behinde his horsemen a battaile of Pikes, and {£j^
in faightyng take order, that thei give waie to the Pikes, mea *
and he shall remain alwaies superiour. Many have accus- men as the
tomed to use certain fotemenne lighte armed, to faighte enemie.
emong horsemen, the whiche hath been to the chivalrie A Create aide
moste greate helpe. Of all those, which have prepared for horsemen,
armies to the field, be moste praised Aniball and Scipio,
when thei fought in Africk : and for that Aniball had his The policies
armie made of Carthaginers, and of straungers of divers USP(1 betwene
nacions, he placed in the first fronte thereof Ixxx. Ele- s"il* '
phantes, after he placed the straungers, behinde whom he
sette his Carthaginers, in the hindermoste place, he putte
the Italians, in whom he trusted little : the whiche thing
he ordained so, for that the straungers havyng before

135

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE theim the enemie, and behinde beyng inclosed of his men,
FOWERTH could not flic : so that being constrained to faight thei
BOOKE should overcome, or wearie the Romaines, supposyng after
with his freshe and valiaunte men, to be then able easely
to overcome the Romaines, beeyng wearied. Against this
order, Scipio set the Astati, the Prencipi, and the Triarii,
in the accustomed maner, to bee able to receive the one the
other, and to rescue the one the other : he made the fronte
of the armie, full of voide spaces, and bicause it should not
be perceived but rather should seme united, he filled them
fill of veliti, to whom he commaunded, that so sone as the
Eliphantes came, thei should avoide, and by the ordinarie
spaces, should enter betwene the Legins, and leave open
the waie to the Eliphauntes, and so it came to passe, that
it made vaine the violence of theim, so that commyng to
handes, he was superiour.

ZANOBI. You have made me to remember, in alledging
me this battaile, how Scipio in faighting, made not the
Astati to retire into thorders of the Prencipi, but he
devided theim, and made theim to retire in the homes of
the armie, to thintent thei might give place to the Prencipi,
when he would force forwarde : therfore I would you should
tell me, what occasion moved hym, not to observe the
accustomed order.

FABRITIO. I will tell you. Aniball had putte all the
strengthe of his armie, in the seconde bande : wherefore
Scipio for to set againste thesame like strengthe, gathered
the Prencipi and the Triarii together : So that the dis-
taunces of the Prencipi, beyng occupied of the Triarii,
there was no place to bee able to receive the Astati : and
therefore he made the Astati to devide, and to go in the
homes of the armie, and he drewe them not betwene the
Prencipi. But note, that this waie of openyng the first
bande, for to give place to the seconde, cannot bee used,
but when a man is superiour to his enemie : for that then
there is commoditie to bee able to dooe it, as Scipio was
able : but beyng under, and repulced, it cannot be doen,
but with thy manifest ruine : and therefore it is convenient

136

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

to have behinde, orders that male receive thee, but let THE
us tourne to our reasonyng. The auncient Asiaticans, FOWERTH
emongest other thynges devised of them to hurt the enemies, BOOKE
used carres. The whiche had on the sides certaine hookes, Cartes full of
so that not onely thei served to open with their violence hooke* made
the bandes, but also to kill with the hookes the adversaries : todestroiethe
against the violence of those, in thre manors thei provided, C1
either thei sustained theim with the thickenesse of the raies, The remedy
or thei received theim betwene the bandes, as the Eliphantes that was used
were received, or els thei made with arte some strong JgJVn^Caftea
insistence: As Silla a Romainc made againste Archelaus,
whom had many of these cartes, whiche thei called hooked,
who for to sustaine theim, drave many stakes into the
grounde, behinde his first bandes of men, whereby the cartes
beyng stopped, lost their violence. And the newe maner The straunge
that Silla used against hym in orderyng the armie, is to maner that
bee noted : for that he put the Veliti, and the horse, Silla usc<1 '."

behinde, and all the heavie armed afore, leavyn«r many Ordei7n£.his;
i- , iii i i <• i ii., • annv against

distaunces to be able to sende before those behinde, when Archclaus

necessite required : whereby the fight beyng begun, with

the helpe of the horsemen, to the whiche he gave the waie,

he got the victorie. To intende to trouble in the faight How to

the enemies armie, it is conveniente to make some thyng to trouble in the

growe, that maie make theim afraied, either with showyng fa'ffhtethe

of newe helpe that commeth, or with showyng thynges, a|

whiche maie represente a terrour unto theim : after soche

sorte, that the enemies begiled of that sight, maie be nfraied,

and being made afraied, thei maie easely bee overcome : the

whiche waies Minutio Rufo used, and Accilio Glabrione

Consults of Home. Cains Sulpitius also set a greate manv A policie <>f

of sackes upon Mules, and other beastes unprofitable for the ('Jiil|S «s»lpi-

warre, but in soche wise ordained, that thei semed men of I'1.11"' toni;ikl>

11 i i 1 1 1 1 • i 11 'lls enemies

arnies, and he commaunded, that, tlu-i should appere upon afrjlj,,(i

a hill, while he were n. faightyng with the Freiichcnu'ii,
whereby grewe his victorie. The verie same did Marius, A policie of
when he foughte against the Duchemen. Then the fained Mari«'s
assaultes availyng moche, whilest the faight continueth, it J^ljj^l!
is conveniente, that the very assaultes in deede, dooe helpe
S 137

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE moche : inespecially if at unvvares in the middest of the

FOWERTH faight, the enemie might bee assaulted behinde, or on the

BOOKE side : the whiche hardely maie be doen, if the countrie

helpe thee not : for that when it is open, parte of thy men

cannot bee hid, as is mete to bee doen in like enterprises :

but in woddie or hille places, and for this apt for ambusshes,

parte of thy men maie be well hidden, to be able in a

sodain, and contrary to thenemies opinion to assaut him,

whiche thyng alwaies shall be occasion to give thee the

A policie of victorie. It hath been sometyme of greate importaunce,

greate im- whilest the faighte continueth, to sowe voices, whiche doe

portauiice, pronounce the capitaine of thenemies to be dedde, or to

while a bat- (1 . ^ ? n • ii i • i

taile is a have overcome on the other side ot the armie : the whiche

faightyng. many times to them that have used it, hath given the

How horse- victorie. The chivalrie of the enemies maie bee easely

men maie bee troubled, either with sightes, or with rumours, not used : as

disordered. Creso did, whom put Camelles again ste the horses of the

adversaries, and Pirrus sette againste the Romaine horsemen

How the Eliphantes, the sighte of whiche troubled and disordered

turkegave them. In our time, the Turke discomfited the Sophi in

overth?owean Persia> aml the Soldane in Surria with no other, then with

the noise of Harkabuses, the whiche in soche wise, with

their straunge rumours, disturbed the horses of those, that

How the the Turke mighte easely overcome them : The Spaniardes

Spaniardes to overcome the armie of Amilcare, put in the firste fronte

overcame the cartes full of towe drawen of oxen, and comming to handes,

AmUcare thei kindeled fire to thesame, wherfore the oxen to flie

from the fire, thrust into the armie of Amilcar, and opened

How to traine it. Thei are wonte (as we have saicd) to begile the enemie

the en«mie, to Jn the faight, drawyng him into their ambusshes, where the

his destruc- Countrie is commodious for the same purpose, but where

it were open and large, many have used to make diches,

and after have covered them lightly with bowes and yearth,

and lefte certain spaces whole, to be able betwene those

to retire : after, so sone as the faight hath been begunne,

retiryng by those, and the enemie folowing them, hath

fallen in the pittes. If in the faight there happen thee,

any accident that maie feare thy souldiours, it is a moste

138

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

prudente thyng, to knowe how to desemble it, and to per- THE
vert it to good, as Tullo Hostilio did, and Lucius Silla : FOVVKRTH
whom seyng while thei fought, how a parte of his men BOOKE
wer gone to the enemies side, and how thesame thing had A polirie of
verie moche made afraied his men, he made straighte waie Tullo Hostilio
throughout all the armie to be understoode, how all thing g^Jj^"*
preceded, accordyng to his order : the whiche not onely semblyng of
did not trouble the armie, but it increased in them so moche a mischaunre.
stomack, that he remained victorious. It happened also to
Silla, that havyng sente certaine souldiours to doe some
businesse, and thei beyng slain he saied, to the intent his
armie should not be made afraied thereby, that he had with
crafte sent theim into the handes of the enemies, for that
he had found them nothyng faithfull. Sertorius faightyng Sertoriusslue
a battaile in Spaine, slue one, whom signified unto hvm the a man for
death of one of his capitaines, for feare that tellyng the very telling- him of
same to other, he should make theim afraied. It is a moste ong ^fMs
difficult thyng, an armie beyng now moved to flie, to staie capitaines.
it, and make it to faight. And you have to make this
distinction : either that it is all moved, and then to be
impossible to tourne it, or there is moved a parte thereof,
and then there is some remedie. Many Ilomain capitaines,
with making afore those whiche fled, have caused them to Howecertainc
staie, making them ashamed of running awaie, as Lucius captaineshave

Silla did, where alredy parte of his Legions beyng tourned staie(.1,tl!e,irj,

/i- 1^1- • i . i f n*-.i «j / ei_ i men that hath

to night, driven awaie bv the men of Mitnndates, he made j)een rimnin,r

afore them with a swearde in his hande criyng : if any aske await*.
you, where you left your capitaine, saie, we have left hym in
Boecia, where he faighteth. Attillius a consull set against? Attillius

i-on-

those that ran awaie, them that ranne not awaie, and made ^en* that ran
them to understande, that if thei would not tourne, thei awaje to
should be slaine of their frendes, and of their enemies, tourne again
Philip of Macedonia understanding how his men feared the and to faight.
Scithian Souldiours, placed behinde his armie, certaine of his Mow Philip

moste trustie horsemen, and gave commission to theim, that , "f (>t 4 .arc"
,1-1 111-1 11 nij i. f !_• donia made

thei should kill whom so ever nedde : wherfore, his men jlis niell

mindyng rather to die faightyng, then fliyng, overcame, afraied to
Manv Romaines, not so moche to staie a flight, as for to run a

139

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE give occasion to their men, to make greater force, have

FOWERTH whileste thei have foughte, taken an Ansigne out of their

BOOKE owne mennes handes, and throwen it emongeste the enemies,

and appoincted rewardes to hym that could get it again. I

doe not beleve that it is out of purpose, to joyne to this

reasonyng those thynges, whiche chaunce after the faight, in

especially beyng brief thinges, and not to be left behinde,

and to this reasonyng conformable inough. Therefore I

Victorie saie, how the fielde is loste, or els wonne : when it is wonne,

ought with all the victorie ought with all celeritie to be folowed, and in

celeritie to ^his case to imitate Cesar, and not Aniball, whom staiyng

after that he had discomfited the Romaines at Canne, loste

the Empire of Rome : The other never rested after the

victorie, but folowed the enemie beyng broken, with greater

What a capi- violence and furie, then when he assalted hym whole : but

taine ought when a capitainc dooeth leese, he ought to see, if of the

to dooe, when josse there maiegrowe any utilite unto hym, inespecially if

he should . • j /• .1 ™i t-, •

chaunce to there remain any residue of tharmie. Ihe commoditie

receive an maie growe of the small advertisment of the enemie, whom

overthrowe. moste often times after the victorie, bccometh negligent,

and giveth thee occasion to oppresse hym, as Marcius a

How Martins Romainc oppressed the armie of the Carthaginers, whom

overcame the having slain the twoo Scipions, and broken their 'armie, not

Carthaffinera estemYng thesame remnaunt of menne, whiche with Marcius

remained a live, were of hym assaulted and overthrowen :

for that it is seen, that there is no thing so moche to bee

brought to passe, as thesame, whiche the enemie thinketh,

that thou canst not attempte : bicause for the moste parte,

men bee hurte moste, where thei doubt leaste : therefore a

capitain ought when he cannot doe this, to devise at least

with diligence, that the losse bee lesse hurtfull, to dooe

this, it is necessarie for thee to use meanes, that the enemie

maie not easely folowe thee, or to give him occasion to

make delaie : in the first case, some after thei have been

sure to lese, have taken order with their heddes, that in

divers partes, and by divers waies thei should flie, havyng

appoincted wher thei should after assemble together : the

which made, that thenemie (fearing to devide the armie)

140

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

was faine to let go safe either all, or the greatest part of THE
them. In the seconde case, many have cast before the FOWERTH
enemie, their dearest thinges, to the cntent that he tariyng BOOKE
ahout the spoile, might give them more laisure to flie.
Titus Dimius used no small policie to hide the losse, whiche A polic-ie of
he had received in the faight, for asmoche as havyng fought lltl!s I)iniius
untill night, with great losse of his meime, he made in the whichehehad
night to be buried, the greatest part of them, wherefore in received in ;i
the mornyng, the enemies seyng so many slaine of theirs, faight.
and so fewe of the Komaines, belevyng that thei had the
disavauntage, ran awaie. I trust I have thus confusedly, as
I saied, satisfied in good part your demaunde : in dede
about the facions of the armies, there resteth me to tell
you, how some tyme, by some Capitaines, it hath been used
to make theim with the fronte, like unto a wedge, judgyng
to bee able by soche meane, more easely to open the enemies
armie. Against this facion, thei have used to make a
facion like unto a paire of sheres, to be able betwene the-
same voide place, to receive that wedge, and to compasse it
about, and to faight with it on every side : whereupon I A general
will that you take this generall rule, that the greatest rull>-
remedie that is used againste a devise of the enemie, is to
dooe willingly thesame, whiche he hath devised that thou
slialt dooe perforce : bicause that doyng it willingly, thou
doest it with order, and with thy advauntage, and his dis-
advauntage, if thou shouldest doe it beyng inforced, it
should be thy undoyng : For the provyng whereof, I care
not to reherse unto you, certain thvnges aired v tolde. The
adversary maketh the wedge to open thy bandes : if thou
gowest with them open, thou disorderest hym, and he dis-
ordereth not thec. Aniball set the Klephantes in the fronte Anilt.-ill.
of his armie, to open with theim the armie of Scipio. Scipio.
Scipio went with it open, and it was the occasion of his
victorie, and of the mine of hym. Asdruball placed his Asdml.all.
strongest men in the middest of the fronte of his armie, to
overthrowe Scipios menne : Scipio commaunded, that hv
them selves thei should retire and he broke theim : So that
like devises when thei are foreseen, bee the causes of the

141

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE victorie of him, against whom thei be prepared. There

FOWERTH remaineth me also, if I remember my self well, to tell you

BOOKE what respectes a Capitaine ought to have, before he leade

A Capitaine his men to faight : upon whiche I have to tell you firste,

ought not to now a capitaine ought never to faight a battaile, except he

faight without ^ advauntage, or be constrained. The vantage groweth

advantage. „ , , . , . fo ' » . , f ,

excepte he be °f tne situacion, of the order, of havyng more, or better

constrained, menne : the necessitie groweth when thou seest how that
not faightyng, thou muste in any wise lese, as should bee for
lackyng of money, and for this, thy armie to bee ready all
maner of waies to resolve, where famishemente is ready to
assaulte thee, where the enemie looketh to bee ingrosed
with newe men : in these cases, thou oughtest alwaies to
faight, although with thy disadvauntage : for that it is moche
better to attempte fortune, where she maie favour thee,
then not attempting, to see thy certaine mine : and it is as
grevous a faulte in this case, in a capitain not to faight, as
to have had occasion to overcome, and not to have either
knowen it through ignoraunce, or lefte it through vilenesse.

How advaun- The advauntages some tymes the enemie giveth thee, and
e male bee some tymes thy prudence : Many in passyng Rivers have

enemies been broken of their enemie, that hath been aware thereof,

whom hath taried, till the one halfe hath been of the one
side, and the other halfe on the other, and then hath
assaulted them : as Cesar did to the Suizzers, where he
destroied the fowerth parte of theim, through beyng halfe
over a river. Some tyme thy enemie is founde wearie, for
havyng folowed thee to undescritely, so that findyng thy self
f reshe and lustie, thou oughtest not to let passe soche an
occasion : besides this, if the enemie offer unto thee in the
mornyng betymes to faight, thou maiest a good while
deferre to issue out of thy lodgyng, and when he hath
stoode long in armour, and that he hath loste that same
firste heate, with the whiche he came, thou maiest then
faight with him. This waie Scipio and Metellus used in
Spaine : the one against Asdruball, the other against
Sertorius. If the enemie be deminished of power, either
for havyng devided the armie, as the Scipions in Spain, or

NICHOLAS MACH1AVELL

for some other occasion, thou oughteste to prove chaunce. THE
The greateste parte of prudent capitaines, rather receive FOWEKTH
the violence of the enemies, then go with violence to assalte BOOKE
them : for that the furie is easely withstoode of sure and Furie with-
steddie mcnnc, and the furie beyng sustained, converteth stode, con-
lightly into vilenesse : Thus Fabius did againste the San- verteth into
nites, and against the Galles, and was victorious and his V1
felowe Decius remained slain. Some fearing the power of
their enemies, have begun the faight a little before night,
to the intent that their men chaunsyng to bee overcome,
might then by the helpe of the darkenesse thereof, save
theim selves. Some havyng knowen, how the enemies armie
beyng taken of certaine supersticion, not to faight in soche
a tyme, have chosen thesarne tyme to faighte, and over
come : The whiche Cesar observed in Fraunce, againste
Ariouistus, and Vespasian in Surrie, againste the Jewes.
The greatest and moste importaunte advertismente, that a What maner
capitaine ought to have, is to have aboute hym faith full of men a
menne, that are wise and moste expert in the warre, with <%al))taine
whom he must continually consulte and reason of his men, about him'
and of those of the enemies, whiche is the greater nomber, Continually,
whiche is beste armed, or beste on horsebacke, or best exer- to consult
cised, whiche be moste apte to suffer necessitie, in whom lie witlia11-
trusteth rnoste, either in the footemen, or in the horsemen :
after thei ought to consider the place where thei be, and
whether it be more to the purpose for thenemie, then for
him: which of theim hath victualles moste commodious:
whether it be good to deferrc the battaile, or to faight it :
what good might bee given hym, 'or taken awaie by tyme :
for that many tymes, souldiours seyng the warre to be
delaied, are greved, and beyng wearie, in the pain and in .
the tedionsncsse therof, wil forsake thee. It importeih cj0ngCJ" the
above all thyng, to knowe the capitain of the enemies, and capitain of
whom he hath aboute hym, whether he be rashe, or politike, the enemies,
whether he be fcarfull, or bardie : to see how thou maiest an(1 ot tnosc
truste upon the aidyng souldiours. And above all thyng hym^morte
thou oughtest to take hede, not to conducte the armie to requisite to
faight when it feareth, or when in any wise it mistrusteth We knowen.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE of the victorie : for that the greatest signe to lose, is when

FOWERTH thei beleve not to be able to vvinne : and th erf ore in this

BOOKE case, thou oughtest to avoide the faightyng of the fielde,

A timerous either with doyng as Fabius Maximus, whom incampyng in

army is not to strong places, gave no courage to Aniball, to goe to finde

to faThtCted ty111' or when thou shouldest thinke, that the enemie also

in strong places, would come to finde thee, to departe out

the^ightyng6 of the fielde' and t° devide the menne into thy tounes, to

of a fielde. ' thentent that tediousnesse of winnyng them, maie wearie

hym.

ZAXOBI. Cannot the faightyng of the battaile be other
wise avoided, then in devidyng the armie in sunderie partes,
and placyng the men in tounes ?

FABRITIO. I beleve that ones alreadie, with some of you I

have reasoned, how that he, that is in the field, cannot

avoide to faight the battaile, when he hath an enemie,

which will faight with hym in any wise, and he hath not,

but one remedie, and that is, to place him self with his

armie distant fiftie miles at leaste, from his adversarie,

to be able betymes to avoide him, when he should go to

Fabius finde hym. For Fabius Maximus never avoided to faight

Maximus. the battaile with Aniball, but he would have it with his

advauntage : and Aniball did not presume to bee able to

overcome hym, goyng to finde hym in the places where he

incamped : where if he had presupposed, to have been able

to have overcome, it had been conveniente for Fabius, to

have fought the battaile with hym, or to have avoided.

Philip king of Philip Kyng of Macedonia, thesame that was father to

Macedonia, Perse, commyng to warre with the Romaines, pitched his

theRomaines. camPe u.Pon a verie hi£h hill» to the ent?nt not to faiSht
' tr ' with theim : but the llomaines wente to find hym on the-

torige avoided same hill, and discomforted hym. Cingentorige capitain of
the faightyng the Frenche menne, for that he would not faight the field
of the fielde with Cesar, whom contrarie to his opinion, had passed a
with Cesar river, got awaie many miles with his men. The Venecians
The ignor- jn our tyme, if thei would not have come to have fought

with th^ Frenche k.TnS' thei ouSht not to have taried till
the Frenche armie, had passed the River Addus, but to have
144

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

gotten from them as Cingentorige, where thei havyng THE
taried, knewe not how to take in the passing of the men, FOWEKTH
the occasion to faight the battaile, nor to avoide it : For BOOKE
that the Frenche men beyng nere unto them, as the Vene-
cians went out of their Campe, assaulted theim, and dis
comfited theim : so it is, that the battaile cannot bee avoided,
when the enemie in any wise will faight, nor let no man
alledge Fabius, for that so moche in thesame case, he did
Hie the daie of battaile, as Aniball. It happeneth many
tymes, that thy souldiours be willyng to faight, and thou
knoweste by the nomber, and by the situacion, or for some
other occasion to have disadvauntage, and desirest to make
them chaunge from this desire : it happeneth also, that
necessitie, or occasion, constraineth thee to faight, and that
thy souldiours are evill to be trusted, and smally disposed
to faight : where it is necessarie in thone case, to make What is to be
theim afraied, and in the other to incourage theim : In the dpenwhersol-
firste case, when perswacions suffiseth not, there is no better diours desire
waie, then to give in praie, a part of them unto thenemie, tranMti/thelr
to thintent those that have, and those that have not fought, capitaiues
maie beleve thee : and it may very wel be doen with art, mimic.
thesame which to Fabius Maximus hapned by chaunce.
Tharmie of Fabius (as you knowe) desired to faight with
Aniballs armie : the very same desire had the master of his
horses : to Fabius it semed not good, toattempte the faight :
so that through soche contrary opinions, he was fain to
devide the armie : Fabius kept his men in the campe, the
other fought, and commyng into great perill,had been over-
throwen, if Fabius had not rescued him: by the whichc
insample the maister of the horse, together with all the
armie, knewe how it was a wise waie to obeie Fabius. Con- H<>\\ to in
cernyng to incourage theim to faight, it should be well <1<>"r;l^t>
doen, to make them to disdain the enemies, shewyng how Sl
thei speake slaunderous woordes of them, to declare to have
intelligence with them, and to have corrupted part of them,
to incampe in place, where thei maie see the enemies, and
make some light skirmishe with them, for that the thyng
that is dailie seen, with more facilitie is despised : to shewe
T 145

THE

FOWERTH
BOOKE

An advertis-
meiit to make
the soldiour
most obstin
ately to faight.

It is requisite
for excellent
Capitaines to
bee good
orators.

Alexander
Magnus used
openly to
perswade his

The effect-
eousnes of
speking.

THE AIITE OF WARRE

theim to bee unworthie, and with an oracion for the pur
pose, to reprehende them of their cowardnesse, and for to
make them ashamed, to tell theim that you will faight
alone, when thei will not beare you companie. And you
ought above all thyng to have this advertismente, mindyng
to make the Souldiour obstinate to faight, not to permitte,
that thei maie send home any of their substaunce, or to leave
it in any place, till the warre bee ended, that thei maie
understande, that although fliyng save their life, yet it
saveth not theim their goodes, the love whereof, is wonte
no lesse then thesame, to make men obstinate in defence.

ZANOBI. You have tolde, how the souldiours maie be
tourned to faight, with speakyng to theim : doe you meane
by this, that all the armie must bee spoken unto, or to the
heddes thereof?

FABRICIO. To perswade, or to diswade a thyng unto fewe,
is verie easie, for that if woordes suffise not, you maie then
use aucthoritie and force : but the difficultie is, to remove
from a multitude an evill opinion, and that whiche is con
trary either to the common profite, or to thy opinion, where
cannot be used but woordes, the whiche is meete that thei
be heard of every man, mindyng to perswade them all.
Wherfore, it was requisite that the excellente Capitaines
were oratours : for that without knowyng how to speake
to al the army, with difficultie maie be wrought any good
thing : the whiche altogether in this our tyme is laied aside.
Rede the life of Alexander Magnus, and you shall see how
many tymes it was necessarie for hyrn to perswade, and to
speake publikly to his armie : otherwise he should never
have brought theim, beyng become riche, and full of
spoile, through the desertes of Arabia, and into India with
so moche his disease, and trouble : for that infinite tymes
there growe thynges, wherby an armie ruinateth, when the
capitain either knoweth not, or useth not to speake unto
thesame, for that this speakyng taketh awaie feare, in-
courageth the mindes, increaseth the obstinatenes to faight,
discovereth the deceiptes, promiseth rewardes, sheweth the
perilles, and the waie to avoide theim, reprehendeth, praieth,

146

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

threateneth, filleth full of hope, praise, shame, and doeth THE
all those thynges, by the whiche the humaine passions are FOWERTH
extincte, or kendled : wherefore, that prince, or common BOOKE
weale, whiche should appoincte to make a newe power, Souldiours
and cause reputacion to their armie, ought to accustome ought to be

the Souldiours thereof, to heare the capitain to speake, fc custorncd .

j , , ... I i i r -T T to heare their

and the capitain to know how to speake unto them. In Capitaine

kepyng desposed the souldiours in old tyme, to faight for speake.
their countrie, the religion availed rnoche, and the othes How in olde
whiche thei gave them, when thei led theim to warfare: timesouldiers
for as moche as in al their faultes, thei threatned them not wenj r (l']t"-
onely with those punishementes, whiche might be feared of fHitcs °
men, but with those whiche of God might be looked for : Enterprises
the whiche thyng mingled with the other Religious maners, male the
made many tymes easie to the auncient capitaines all enter- t'asi'lu'r he
prises, and will doe alwaies, where religion shall be feared,
and observed. Sertorius prevailed, by declaryng that he meanes of
spake with a Stugge, the whiche in Goddes parte, promised religion.
hym the victorie. Silla saied, he spoke with an Image, Sertorius.
whiche he had taken out of the Temple of Apollo. Many A policie of
have tolde how God hath appered unto them in their slepe, S
whom hath admonished them to faight. In our fathers
time, Charles the seventh kyng of Fraunce, in the warre seventhkinff
whiche he made againste the Englishemen, saied, he coun- Of Fraunce
sailed with a maide, sent from God, who was called every against the
where the Damosell of Fraunce, the which was occacion of Englishmen.
his victorie. There maie be also used meanes, that maie Howsouldiers
i i.u j. 1-1.1.1 ii A -i maiebeemade

make thy men to esteme little the eiieinie, as Agesilao a toestonio

Spartaine used, whom shewed to his souldiours, certain uttle tlieir
Persians naked, to the intent that seyng their delicate enemies.
members, thei should not have cause to feare them. Some The surest wai
have constrained their men to faight through necessitie, J^™ ^ste
takyng awaie from them all hope of savyng theim selves, Ohstinat to
savyng in overcommvng. The whiche is the strongest, and faight.
the beste provision that is made, to purpose to make the By what
souldiour obstinate to faight: whiche ohstinatenesse is in- meanes ob-
creased by the confidence, and love of the Capitaine, or of ^f.^}"^^
the countrie. Confidence is caused through the armour, im.rt..iSl.(]

147

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE the order, the late victorie, and the opinion of the Capi-
FOWERTH taine. The love of the countrie, is caused of nature : that
BOOKE of the Capitain, through vertue, more then by any other
benefite : the necessities maie be many, but that is
strongest, whiche constraineth thee; either to
overcome, or to dye.

148

THE FIVETH BOOKE

OF THE ARTE OF WARRE OF

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL, CITEZEINE

AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,

UNTO

LAURENCE PHILIP STROZZE.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE FIVETH BOOKE

FABRITIO.

HAVE shewed you, how an armi, is
ordained to faight a fielde with an other
armie, which is seen pitched against it,
and have declared unto you, howe the
same is overcome, and after many cir-
cumstaunces, I have likewise shewed you,
what divers chaunces, maie happen about
thesame, so that me thinkes tyme to
shewe you now, how an armie is ordered, againste thesame
enemie, whiche otherwise is not seen, but continually feared,
that he assaulte thee : this happeneth when an armie
marcheth through the enemies countrie, or through sus
pected places. Firste, you must understande, how a llomaine
armie, sent alwaies ordinarely afore, certainc bandes of
horsemen, as spies of the waie : after followed the right
home, after this, came all the carriages, whiche to thesame
apperteined, after this, came a Legion, after it, the carnages
therof, after that, an other legion, and next to it, their
carriages, after whiche, came the left home, with the
carriages thereof at their backe, and in the laste part,
folowed the remnaunte of the chivalrie : this was in enecte
the maner, with whiche ordinarily thei marched: and if it
happened that the armie were assaulted in the waie on the
fronte, or on the backe, thei made straight waie all the
carriages to bee drawen, either on the right, or on the lefte
side, accordyng as chaunsed, or as thei could beste, havyng

151

How the
Romaines
marched with
their armies.

How the
Romanies
ordered their
armie when it
happened to
be assaulted
on the waie.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE respecte to the situacion : and all the men together free

FIVETH from their impedimentes, made hedde on that parte, where

BOOKE the enemie came. If thei were assaulted on the flancke,

thei drue the carriages towardes thesame parte that was

safe, and of the other, thei made hedde. This waie beyng

well and prudently governed, I have thought meete to

imitate, sending afore the light horsemen, as exploratours

How the main of the Count rie : Then havyng fower maine battailes, I

battailes would make them to marche in araie, and every one with

oug tto their carriages folowyng theim. And for that there be
marche. & „ .•7&... ,. , • i

twoo sortes of carriages, that is partainyng to particulare

souldiours, and partainyng to the publike use of all the

Campe, I would devide the publike Carriages into fower

partes, and to every maine battaile, I would appoinct his

parte, deviding also the artillerie into fower partes, and all

the unarmed, so that every nomber of armed menne, should

equally have their impedimentes. But bicause it happeneth

some times, that thei marche through the countrie, not

onely suspected, but so daungerous, that thou fearest every

hower to be assaulted, thou art constrained for to go more

sure, to chaunge the forme of marchyng, and to goe in

soche wise prepared, that neither the countrie menne, nor

any armie, maie hurte thee, findyng thee in any parte

unprovided. In soche case, the aunciente capitaines were

wont, to marche with the armie quadrante, whiche so thei

called this forme, not for that it was altogether quadrante,

but for that it was apte to faight of fower partes, and thei

saied, that thei wente prepared, bothe for the waie, and for

The orderyng the faight : from whiche waie, I will not digresse, and I

°f an armie will ordaine my twoo maine battailes, whiche I have taken

sorte^that it ^or ^° ma^e an armie of, to this effect. Mindyng therefore,

maie marche to marche safely through the enemies Countrie, and to bee

safelie able to aunswere hym on every side, when at unwares the

through the armie might chaunce to be assaulted, and intendyng there-

countrie and f°re> accordyng to the antiquitie, to bryng thesame into a

be alwaies in square, I would devise to make a quadrant, that the rome

a redines to therof should be of space on every part Clix. yardes, in this

faight. maner. First I would put the flanckes, distant the one

152

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

flanck from the other, Clix. yardes, and I would place five THE

battailes for a Hancke, in a raie in length, and distant the FIVETH

one from the other, twoo yardes and a quarter : the whiche BOOKE

shall occupie with their spaces, every battaile occupivng

thirtie yardes, Clix. yardes. Then betwen the hedde and

the taile of these two Hanckes, I would place the other

tenne battailes, in every parte five, orderyng them after

soche sorte, that fower should joyne to the hedde of the

right flanck, and fower to the taile of the lefte flancke,

leaving betwene every one of them, a distance of thre

yardes: one should after joyne to the hedde of the lefte

flancke, and one to the taile of the right flancke : and for

that the space that is betwene the one flancke and the other,

is Clix. yardes, and these battailes whiche are set the one

to the side of the other by breadth, and not by length, will

come to occupie with the distaunces one hundred yardes

and a halfe yarde, there shall come betwene theim fower

battailes, placed in the f route on the right Hancke, and the

one placed in thesame on the lefte, to remaine a space of

fiftie and eighte yardes and a halfe, and the verie same

space will come to remaine in the battailes, placed in the

hinder parte: nor there shall bee no difference, saving that

the one space shall come on the parte behind towardes

the right home, and thother shall come on the parte afore, The place in

towardes the lefte home. In the space of the Iviii. yardes the nrmie

and a halfe before, I would place all the ordinarie Veliti, in wlier tlic

thesame behinde, the extraordinarie, which wil come to be JIow"ie" ftnd

.. i /• j • i Harkabutters

a thousande for a space, and mindyng to have the space are ap_

that ought to be within the armie, to be every waie Clix. poincted.
yardes, it is mete that the five battailes, whiche are placed
in the hedde, and those whiche are placed in the taile,
occupie not any parte of the space, whiche the flanckes
keepe : and therefore it shall be convenient, that the five
battailes behinde, doe touche with the fronte, the taile of
their flanckes, and those afore, with the taile to touche
the hedde, after soche sorte, that upon every corner of the
same armie, there maie remaine a space, to receive an other
battaile : and for that there bee fower spaces, I would take
U 153

THE
FIVETH
BOOKE

The place in
the armie

Pikes are
appoincted.

The place in
the armie
wherthegene-

Where the
artilleriemust
be placed.

The light
horsmenne
must be

todiscoverthe

countrie and
the menne
ofarmesto

thSmy
A rail
rukTcmicern-
yng horse.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

fower bandes of the extraordinarie Pikes, and in every
corner I would place one, and the twoo Ansignes of the
foresaied Pikes, whiche shall remain overplus, I would sette
in the middest of the rome of this armie, in a square
battaile, on the hedde whereof, should stande the generall
capitaine, with his menne about him. And for that these
battailes ordeined thus, marche all one waie, but faight not
all one waie, in puttyng them together, those sides ought
to be ordained to faight, whiche are not defended of thother
battailes. And therfore it ought to be considered, that the
fjve battailes that be in the front, have all their other
Partes defended> excepte the fronte : and therfore these
ought to bee put together in good order, and with the
Pikes afore. The five battailes whiche are behinde, have
all their sides defended, except the parte behinde, and there
fore those ought to bee put together in soche wise, that the
Pikes come behind, as in the place therof we shall shewe.
The five battailes that bee in the right flancke, have all
their sides defended, except the right flancke. The five
that be on the left flanck, have all their partes defended,
excepte the lefte flancke : and therefore in orderyng the
battailes, thei ought to bee made, that the Pikes maie
tourne on thesame flanck, that lieth open : and the Peti-
capitaines to stand on the hedde, and on the taile, so that
nedyng to faight, all the armour and weapons maie be in
their due places, the waie to doe this, is declared where
we reasoned of the maner of orderyng the battailes. The
artillerie I would devide, and one parte I would place with-
out, on the lefte flancke, and the other on the right. The
H^ht horsemen, I would sende afore to discover the countrie.

9f the menne of armes> l would Place Part behinde, on the
right home, and parte on the lefte, distante about tliirtie
yardes from the battailes : and concerning horse, you have
j.Q ta^e j.njs for a general rule in every condicion, where
y°u ordaine an armie, that alwaies thei ought to be put,
either behinde, or on the flanckes of thesame: he that
putteth them afore, over against the armie, it behoveth
hym to doe one of these twoo thinges, either that he put
154

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

them so moche afore, that beyng repulced, thei maie have THE
so moche space, that maie give them tyme, to be able to go FIVETH
a side from thy footemen, and not to runne upon them, or BOOKE
to order them in soche wise, with so many spaces, that the
horses by those maie enter betwene them, without disorder-
yng them. Nor let no man esteme little this remembraunce,
for as moche as many capitaines, whom havyng taken no
hede thereof, have been ruinated, and by themselves have
been disordered, and broken. The carriages and the un- Wher the
armed menne are placed, in the rome that remaineth within carriages and
the armie, and in soche sorte equally devided, that thei maie ^e u°an"ed
give the waie easely, to whom so ever would go, either from
the one corner to the other, or from the one hedde, to the
other of the armie. These battailes without the artillerie
and the horse, occupie every waie from the utter side, twoo
hundred and eleven yardes and a halfe of space : and bicause
this quadrante is made of twoo main battailes, it is con
venient to distinguishe, what part thone maine battaile
maketh, and what the other: and for that the main battailes
are called by the nomber, and every of theim hath (as you
knowe) tenne battailes, and a generall bed, I would cause
that the first main battaile, should set the first v. battailes
therof in the front, the other five, in the left flanck, and
the capitain of the same should stande in the left corner
of the front. The seconde maine battaile, should then put
the firste five battailes therof, in the right flanck, and the
other five in the taile, and the hedde capitain of thesame,
should stande in the right corner, whom should come to
dooe the office of the Tergiductor. The armie ordained in
this inaner, ought to be made to move, and in the marchvng,
to observe all this order, and without doubte, it is sure from
all the tumultes of the countrie men. Nor the capitain
ought not to make other provision, to the tumultuarie
assaultes, then to give sometyme Commission to some
horse, or Ansigne of Veliti, that thei set themselves in
order : nor it shall never happen that these tumultuous
people, will come to finde thee at the druwyng of the
swerd, or pikes poincte : for that men out of order, have

155

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE feare of those that be in araie : and alwaies it shall bee seen,
FIVETH that with cries and rumours, thei will make a greate assaulte,
BOOKE without otherwise commyng nere unto thee, like unto bark
ing curres aboute a Mastie. Aniball when he came to the
hurte of the Romaines into Italie, he passed through all
Fraunce, and alwaies of the Frenche tumultes, he tooke
The waie small regarde. Mindyng to marche, it is conveniente to
must be made jlftve p}ainers an(J labourers afore, whom maie make thee
the'armte the waie Plaine> whiche shall bee garded of those horsemen,
shall marche that are sent afore to viewe the countrie : an armie in this
in order. order maie marche tenne mile the daie, and shall have tyme
How many inough to incampe, and suppe before Sunne goyng doune,
miles a day an for that ordinarely, an armie maie marche twentie mile : if

. it happen that thou be assaulted, of an armie set in order,
marcne in bat- •, . ••. i • i j» j_i ±. ••

taile raie to this assaulte cannot growe sodainly : tor that an armie in

bee able to in- order, commeth with his pace, so that thou maiest have

campe before tyme inough, to set thy self in order to faight the field, and

sunne set. reduce thy menne quickly into thesame facion, or like to

thesame facion of an armie, which afore is shewed thee.

The orderyng jror that if thou be assaulted, on the parte afore, thou

w^e^it™6' needeste not but to cause, that the artillerie that be on

Tsscaulted on the flanckes, and the horse that be behinde, to come before,

the vawarde. and place theimselves in those places, and with those dis-

taunces, as afore is declared. The thousande Veliti that

bee before, must go out of their place, and be devided into

CCCCC. for a parte, and go into their place, betwene the

horse and the homes of tharmy : then in the voide place

that thei shal leave, the twoo Ansignes of the extraordinarie

Pikes muste entre, whiche I did set in the middest of the

quadrante of the armie. The thousande Veliti, whiche I

placed behinde, must departe from thesame place, and

devide them selves in the flanckes of the battailes, to the

fortificacion of those : and by the open place that thei shal

leave, all the carriages and unarmed menne must go out,

and place themselves on the backe of the battaile. Then

the rome in the middeste beyng voided, and every man gone

to his place : the five battailes, whiche I placed behinde on

the armie, must make forward in the voide place, that is

156

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

betwene the one and the other flanck, and marche towardes THE
the battailes, that stand in the hedde, and three of theim, FIVETH
muste stande within thirtie yardes of those, with equall dis- BOOKE
tances, betwene the one and the other, and the other twoo
shal remain behinde, distaunte other thirtie yardes : the
whiche facion maie bee ordained in a sodaine, and conimeth
almoste to bee like, unto the firste disposicion, whiche of
tharmy afore we shewed. And though it come straighter
in the fronte, it commeth grosser in the flanckes, whiche
giveth it no lesse strength : but bicausc the five battailes,
that be in the taile, have the Pikes on the hinder parte, for
the occasion that before we have declared, it is necessarie
to make theim to come on the parte afore, mindyng to have
theim to make a backe to the front of tharmie : and therfore
it behoveth either to make them to tourne battaile after
battaile, as a whole body, or to make them quickly to enter
bet wen thorders of targettes, and conduct them afore, the
whiche waie is more spedy, and of lesse disorder, then to
make them to turn al together : and so thou oughtest to doe
of all those, whiche remain behind in every condicion of The orderyn^
assault, as I shal shewe you. If it appere that thenemie of tharmie
come on the part behinde, the first thyng that ought to Vlj
bee dooen, is to cause that every man tourne his face where cor,mies to
his backe stode, and straight waie tharmie cometh to have assaulte it
made of taile, hed, and of hed taile : then al those waies behinde.
ought to be kept, in orderyng thesame fronte, as I tolde
afore. If the enemie come to incounter the right flancke, How the
the face of thy armie ought to bee made to tourne towardes ai ° '*
thesame side: after, make all those thynges in fortificacion j^j/^aulted
of thesame hedde, whiche above is sak-d, so that the horse- of any of the
men, the Veliti, and the artillerie, maie be in places con- sides.
formable to the hed thereof : onely you have this difference,
that in variyng the hed of those, which are transposed,
some have to go more, and some lesse. In deede makyng
hedde of the right flancke, the Veliti ought to enter in
the spaces, that bee betwene the home of the armie, and
those horse, whiche were nerest to the lefte flancke, in
whose place ought to enter, the twoo Ansignes of the

157

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE extraordinarie Pikes, placed in the middest : But firste the
FIVETH carriages and the unarmed, shall goe out by the open
BOOKE place, avoidyng the rome in the middest, and retiryng
themselves behinde the lefte flancke, whiche shall come to
bee then the taile of the armie : the other Veliti that were
placed in the taile, accordyng to the principall orderyng
of the armie, in this case, shall not move : Bicause the same
place should not remaine open, whiche of taile shall come
to be flancke : all other thyng ought to bee dooen, as in
orderyng of the firste hedde is saied : this that is told
about the rnakyng hed of the right flanck, must be under-
stode to be told, havyng nede to make it of the left flanck :
for that the very same order ought to bee observed. If
What is to be the enemie should come grose, and in order to assaulte
doen when t\\ee on twoo sides, those twoo sides, whiche he commeth to
assaulted on assau^e tnee on' ougnt to bee made stronge with the other
twoo sides. twoo sides, that are not assaulted, doublyng the orders in
eche of theim, and devidyng for bothe partes the artillerie,
the Veliti, and the horse. If he come on three or on fower
sides, it is necessarie that either thou or he lacke prudence :
for that if thou shalt bee wise, thou wilte never putte thy
self in place, that the enemie on three or fower sides, with
a greate nomber of men, and in order, maie assault thee :
for that mindyng, safely to hurte thee, it is requisit, that
he be so great, that on every side, he maie assault thee,
with as many men, as thou haste almoste in al thy army :
and if thou be so unwise, that thou put thy self in the
daunger and force of an enemie, whom hath three tymes
more menne ordained then thou, if thou catche hurte, thou
canste blame no man but thy self: if it happen not through
thy faulte, but throughe some mischaunce, the hurt shall
be without the shame, and it shal chaunce unto thee, as
unto the Scipions in Spaine, and to Asdruball in Italie :
but if the enemie hav.e not many more men then thou, and
intende for to disorder thee, to assaulte thee on divers
sides, it shal be his foolishnesse, and thy good fortune :
for as moche as to doe so, it is convenient, that he become
so thinne in soche wise, that then easely thou maiste over-
158

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

throw one bande, and withstande an other, and in short THE

time ruinate him: this maner of ordering an armie against FIVETH

an enemie, wliiche is not seen, but whiche is feared, is a BOOKE

necessarie and a profitable thing, to accustome thy souldiours,

to put themselves together, and to march with sochc order,

and in marchyng, to order theimselves to faight, according

to the first hedde, and after to retourne in the forme, that

thei marched in, then to make hedde of the taile, after, of

the flanckes, from these, to retourne into the first facion :

the whiche exercises and uses bee necessarie, mindyng to

have an armie, throughly instructed and practised : in

whiche thyng the Princes and the capitaines, ought to

take paine. Nor the discipline of warre is no other, then

to knowe how to commaunde, and to execute these thynges.

Nor an instructed armie is no other, then an armie that is

wel practised in these orders : nor it cannot be possible,

that who so ever in this time, should use like disciplin shall

ever bee broken. And if this quadrante forme whiche I

have shewed you, is somewhat difficulte, soche difficultnesse

is necessarie, takyng it for an exercise: for as moche as

knowyng well, how to set theim selves in order, and to

maintaine theim selves in the same, thei shall knowe after

more easely, how to stand in those, whiche should not

have so moche difficultie.

ZANOBI. I beleve as you saie, that these orders bee verie
necessarie, and I for my parte, knowe not what to adde or
take from it : true it is, that I desire to know of you twoo
thynges, the one, if when you will make of the taile, or of
the Hancke hedde, and would make them to tourne, whether
this be commaunded by the voice, or with the sounde:
thother, whether those that you sende afore, to make plain
the waie, for the armie to marche, ought to be of the verie
same souldiours of your battailes, or other vile menne ap- men^of * C
poincted, to like exercise. Capitaines

FABRITIO. Your firste question importeth moche: for that being- not wel
many tymes the commaundemcntes of Capitaines, beyng not
well understoode, or evill interpreted, have disordered their
armie : therfore the voices, with the whiche thei commaunde Of an arme

159

THE
FIVETH
BOOKE

Respect that
is to be had in
commaunde-
mentes made
with the
sounde of the
Trompet.

In com-
maundmentes
made with the
voice, what''
respect is to
be had.

Of Pianars.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

in perilles, ought to bee cleare, and nete. And if thou com-
maunde with the sounde, it is convenient to make, that
betwene the one waie and the other, there be so moche
difference, that the one cannot be chaunged for the other :
and if thou commaundest with the voice, thou oughteste to
take heede, that thou tiie the general voices, and to use the
particulares, and of the particulars, to flie those, whiche
maie be interpreted sinisterly. Many tymes the saiyng
backe, backe, hath made to ruinate an armie; therfore
this voice ought not to be used, but in steede therof to
use, retire you. If you will make theim to tourne, for to
chaunge the hedde, either to flanck, or to backe, use never
to saie tourne you, but saie to the lefte, to the right, to
the backe, to the front : thus all the other voices ought to
be simple, and nete, as thrust on, march, stande stronge,
forwarde, retourne you : and all those thynges, whiche maie
bee dooen with the voice, thei doe, the other is dooen with
the sounde. Concernyng those menne, that must make the
waies plaine for the armie to marche, whiche is your seconde
question, I would cause my owne souldiours to dooe this
office, as well bicause in the aunciente warfare thei did so,
as also for that there should be in the armie. lesser nomber
of unarmed men, and lesse impedimentes : and I would
choose out of every battaile, thesame nomber that should
nede, and I would make theim to take the instrumentes,
meete to plaine the grounde withall, and their weapons to
leave with those rankes, that should bee nereste them, who
should carrie them, and the enemie commyng, thei shall
have no other to doe, then to take them again, and to
retourne into their araie.

ZANOBI. Who shall carrie thinstrumentes to make the
waie plaine withall ?

FABRICIO. The Cartes that are appoincted to carrie the
like instrumentes.

ZANOBI. I doubte whether you should ever brynge these
our souldiours, to labour with Shovell or Mattocke, after
soche sorte.

FABRITIO. All these thynges shall bee reasoned in the

160

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

place thereof, but now I will let alone this parte, and reason THE
of the maner of the victualing of the armie : for that me FIVETH
thinketh, havyng so moche traivailed theim, it is tyme to BOOKE
refreshe them, and to comfort them with meate. You have
to understande, that a Frince ought to ordaine his armie,
as expedite as is possible, and take from thesame all those
thynges, whiche maie cause any trouble or burthen unto it,
and make unto hym any enterprise dim'culte. Emongest
those thynges that causeth moste difficultie, is to be con
strained to keepe the armie provided of wine, and baked
bread. The antiquitie cared not for Wine, for that lackyng
it, thei dranke water, mingeled with a little vinegre, to give
it a taste : For whiche cause, emong the municions of
victualles for the hoste, vineger was one, and not wine.
Thei baked not the breade in Ovens, as thei use for Citees,
but thei provided the Meale, and of thesame, every Souldiour
after his owne maner, satisfied hym self, havyng for con-
dimente Larde and Baken, the whiche made the breade
saverie, that thei made, and maintained theim strong, so The victualles
that the provision of victualles for the armie, was Meale, that thanti-
Vineger, Larde, and Bacon, and for the horses Barley, quitiemade
Thei had ordinarely heardes of greate beastes and small, f^their" °f>
whiche folowed the armie, the whiche havyng no nede to armies.
bee carried, caused not moche impedimente. Of this order
there grewe, that an armie in old time, marched somtymes
many daies through solitarie places, and difficulte, without
sufferyng disease of victualles : for that thei lived of thyngs,
whiche easely thei might convey after them. To the con-
trarie it happeneth in the armies, that are now a daies,
whiche mindyng not to lacke wine, and to eate baked breade
in thesame maner, as when thei are at home, whereof beyng
not able to make provision long, thei remaine often tynies
famished, or though thei be provided, it is dooen with
disease, and with moste greate coste : therfore I would
reduce my armie to this maner of living : and I would not
that thei should eate other bread, then that, which by them
selves thei should bake. Concernyng wine, I would not
prohibite the drinkyng thereof, nor yet the commyng of it
X 161

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE into the armie, but I would not use indevour, nor any
FIVETH labour for to have it, and in the other provisions, I would
BOOKE governe my self altogether, like unto the antiquitie : the
whiche thing, if you consider well, you shall see how moche
difficultie is taken awaie, and how moche trouble and
disease, an armie and a capitaine is avoided of, and how
moche commoditie shall bee given, to what so ever enter
prise is to bee dooen.

ZANOBI. We have overcome thenemie in the field, marched

afterward upon his countrie, reason would, that spoiles be

made, tounes sacked, prisoners taken, therefore I would knowe,

how the antiquitie in these thynges, governed them selves.

FABRITIO. Beholde, I will satisfie you. I beleve you have

considered, for that once alredie with some of you I have

reasoned, howe these present warres, impoverishe as well

those lordes that overcome, as those that leese : for that if

the one leese his estate, the other leeseth his money, and his

movables : the whiche in olde time was not, for that the

The occasions conquerour of the warre, waxed ritche. This groweth of

why the keepyng no compte in these daies of the spoiles, as in olde

warres made j-yme thd did, but thei leave it to the discreacion of the

doeTmpole'r- souldiours. This manner maketh twoo moste great dis-

ishe the con- orders : the one, that whiche I have tolde : the other that

querors as the souldiour becometh more covetous to spoyle, and lesse

well as the observeth the orders : and manie times it hath been seen,

conquered. nowe the covetousnesse of the praye, hath made those to

Theorderthat leese, whome were victorious. Therefore the Romaines

the Romaines ^^che were princes of armies, provided to the one and to

in^t'heTo^e tne other of tliese inconvenienses> ordainyng that all the

andtheeSP & spoyle should apertaine to the publicke, and that the

booties that publicke after should bestowe it, as shoulde be thought

their soul- good : and therfore thei had in tharmie the questours,

diours gotte. whom were as we would say, the chamberlaines, to whose

charge all the spoyle and booties were committed : whereof

the consull was served to geve the ordinarie pay to the

souldiours, to succour the wounded, and the sicke, and for

the other businesse of the armie. The consull might well,

and he used it often, to graunte a spoyle to soldiours : but

162

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

this grauntyng, made no disorder : for that the armie beyng THE

broken, all the pray was put in the middest, and distributed FJVETH

by hedde, accordyng to the qualitee of everie man : the which HOOK E

maner thei constituted, to thintente, that the soldiours

should attend to overcome, and not to robbe : and the

Romaine Legions overcame the enemies, and folowed them

not, for that thei never departed from their orders : onely

there folowed them, the horsemenne with those that were

light armed, and if there were any other souldiours then

those of the legions, they likewyse pursued the chase.

Where if the spoyle shoulde have ben his that gotte it,

it had not ben possible nor reasonable, to have kepte the

legions steddie, and to withstonde manie perils; hereby

grewe therefore, that the common weale inritched, and

every Consull carried with his triumphe into the treasurie,

muche treasure, whiche all was of booties and spoiles. An

other thing the antiquetie did upon good consideration, An order that

that of the wages, whiche they gave to every souldiour, the tjie antiquitie

thirde parte they woulde shoulde be laied up nexte to him, tooke> con" .

whome carried the ansigne of their bande, whiche never

gave it them againe, before the warre was ended : this

thei did, beyng moved of twoo reasons, the first was to

thintente, that the souldiour should thrive by his wages,

because the greatest parte of them beyng ycmge men, and

carelesse. the more thei have, so muche the more without

neede thei spende, the other cause was, for that knowyng,

that their movabelles were nexte to the ansigne, thei should

be constrained to have more care thereof, and with more

obstinatenesse to defende it : and this made them stronge

and to holde together: all which thynges is necessarie to

observe, purposinge to reduce the exercise of armes unto

the intier perfection therof.

ZANORI. I beleeve that it is not possible, that to an armie
that marcheth from place to place, there fal not perrilous
accidentes, where the industerie of the capitaine is neede-
full, and the worthinesse of the souldiours, mindvng to
avoyde them. Therefore I woulde be glad, that you
remem bring any, would shew them.

163

THE ARTE OF WARRE

FABRITIO. I shall contente you with a good will, beyng
FIVETH inespetially necessarie, intendyng to make of this exercise
BOOKE a perfecte science. The Capitaines ought above all other

Captaines thynges, whileste thei marche with an armie, to take heede

mai mcurre of ambusshes, wherein they incurre daunffer twoo waies,

thedaungerof • ,! , , • ,

ambusshes either marchynge thou entrest into them, or thoroughe

twoo maner crafte of the enemie thou arte trained in before thou arte
of wayes. aware. In the first case, mindyng to avoide suche perill,
Howtoavoide it is necessarie to sende afore double warde, whome may
the perill of discover the countrey, and so muche the more dilligence

ambusshes. ' • • - -•

ceived.

apte for

ambusshes, as be the woddie or hilly countries, for that
alwaies thei be layd either in a wodde, or behind a hille :
and as the ambusshe not forseene, doeth ruin thee, so for-
seyng the same, it cannot hurte thee. Manie tymes birdes
Howe am- or muche duste have discovered the enemie: for that alwayes
busshes have where the enemie cometh to finde thee, he shall make great
duste, whiche shall signifie unto thee his comyng : so often
tymes a Capitaine seyng in the places where he ought to
passe, Doves to rise, or other of those birdes that flie in
flockes, and to tourne aboute and not to light, hath knowen
by the same the ambusshe of the enemies to be there, and
sendynge before his men. and sertainely understandyng it,
hath saved him selfe and hurte his enemie. Concernyng
the seconde case, to be trained in, (which these our men
cal to be drawen to the shot) thou ought to take heede, not
straight way to beleve those thinges, which are nothyng
reasonable, that thei be as they seeme : as shoulde be, if
the enemie should set afore thee a praie, thou oughtest to
beleeve that in the same is the hooke, and that therm is
hid the deceipte. If many enemies be driven away by a
fewe of thine, if a fewe enemies assaulte manie of thine,
if the enemies make a sodeine flight, and not standynge
with reason, alwaies thou oughtest in suche cases to feare
Capitaine of ^eceipte, an(^ oughtest never to beleeve that the enemie
the enemies knoweth not how to doe his businesse, but rather intendyng
ought to be that he may begile thee the lesse, and mindyng to stand in
lesse peril, the weaker that he is, and the lesse craftier that
164

Howe the

esteemed.

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

the enemie is, so muclie the more thou oughtest to esteenie THE
him : and thou muste in this case use twoo sundrie poinctes, F1VETH
for that thou oughtest to feare him in thy minde and with BOOKE
the order, but with wordes, and with other outewarde de-
monstracion, to seeme to dispyse him : because this laste
way, maketh that thi souldiours hope the more to have
the victorie : the other maketh thee more warie, and lesse
apte to be begyled. And thou hast to understand, that Where men
when men marche thoroughe the enemies countrey, they ar be in greatest
in muche more, and greater perils, then in fayghtyng the l)Criil-
fielde : and therefore the Capitaine in marchyng, ought to
use double diligence : and the first thyng that he ought to The descrip-
doo, is to get described, and payncted oute all the countrie, tion of the
thorough the which he must marche, so that he maye know c«UIlt™y
the places, the number, the distances, the waies, the hilles. "rmy muste
the rivers, the fennes, and all the quallites of them : and marche, is
to cause this to bee knowen, it is convenient to have with most re-
him diversly, and in sundrie maners such men, as know the Jiulsot /°y "
places, and to aske them with diligence, and to se whether ^^ al
their talke agree, and according to the agreyng therof, to
note : he oughte also to sende afore the horsemen, and with
them prudente heddes, not so muche to discover the enemie,
as to viewe the countrey, to se whether it agree with the
description, and with the knowledge that they have of the
same. Also the guydes that are sente, ought to be kepte
with hope of rewarde, and feare of paine. And above all
thynges it ought to be provided, that the armie knowe A most profit-
not to what businesse he leadeth them: for that there is ahle thynp it
nothyng in the warre more profitable, then to keepe secret {J/°* "^j^"
the thynges that is to be dooen : and to thintente a suddeine ^.ret/ii/all
assaulte dooe not trouble thy soldiours, thou oughteste to his affaires,
see them to stande reddie with their weapons, because the
thynges that ar provided for, offend lesse. Manie for to
avoyde the confusion of marchyng, have placed under the
standerde, the carriages, and the unarmed, and have com-
maunded them to folow the same, to the intente that in
marchyng needyng to stave, or to retire, they might dooe
it more easel y, which thyng as profitable, I alowe very

165

THE
FIVETH
BOOKE

An advertis-
ment con-
cernyng the
marchyng of
an armie.

The marching
of an armie
ought to be
ruled by the
stroke of the
Drumme.

The condicion
of the enemie
ought to be
considered.

Annone of
Carthage.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

muche. Also in marchyng, advertismente ought to be
had, that the one parte of the armie goe not a sunder from
the other, or that thoroughe some goyng fast, and some
softe, the armie become not slender : the whiche thynges, be
occation of dissorder : therfore the heddes muste be placed
in suche wise, that they may maintaine the pace even,
causing to goe softe those that goe to fast, and to haste
forward the other that goe to sloe, the whiche pace can not
bee better ruled, then by the stroke of the drumme. The
waies ought to be caused to be inlarged, so that alwaies at
least a bande of iiii. hundred men may marche in order
of battaile. The custome and the qualitie of the enemie
ought to be considered, and whether that he wil assaulte
thee either in the mornyng, or at none or in the evenynge,
and whether he be more puisante with fotemen or horse
men, and accordyng as thou understandest, to ordeine and
to provide for thy self. But let us come to some particular
accidente. It hapneth sometime, that thou gettyng from
the enemie, because thou judgest thy selfe inferiour, and
therfore mindynge not to faight with him, and he comyng
at thy backe, thou arivest at the banke of a river, passyng
over the which, asketh time, so that the enemie is redie
to overtake thee and to fayght with thee. Some, which
chaunsing to bee in suche perill, have inclosed their armie
on the hinder parte with a diche, and fillyng the same full
of towe, and firyng it, have then passed with the armie
without beyng able to be letted of the enemie, he beyng by
the same fire that was betwene them held backe.

ZANOBI. I am harde of beliefe, that this fyre coulde stay
theim, in especially because I remember that I have harde,
ho we Annone of Carthage, beyng besieged of enemies, in
closed him selfe on the same parte, with wodde, which he
did set on fire where he purposed to make eruption. Wher-
fore the enemies beyng not intentive on the same parte to
looke to him, he made his armie to passe over the same
flame, causing every man to holde his Target before his
face for to defend them from the fire, and smoke.

FABRICIO. You saye well : but consider you howe I have

166

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

saied, and howe Annone did : for as muche as I saied that THE

they made a diche, and filled it with towe, so that he, that F1VETH

woulde passe over the same, should be constrained to con- BOOKE

tende with the diche and with tire : Annone made the fire,

without the diche, and because he intended to passe over it,

he made it not great, for that otherwise without the diche, it

shoulde have letted him. Dooe you not knowe, that Nabide Nabide a

a Spartan beyng besieged in Sparta of the Romanies, set spartayne.

tire on parte of his towne to let the way to the Komaines,

who alredie wer entred in ? And by meane of the same

flame not onely hindered their way, but drave them

oute : but let us turne to our matter. Quintus Luttatius Quintus Lut-

a Komaine, havyng at his backe the Cimbri, and commyng tatius pollecie

to a river, to thentente the enemie should give him time to *0r{^f*e °ver

passe over, semed to geve time to them to faight with

him : and therfore he fained that he would lodge there,

and caused trenches to be made, and certaine pavilions to

be erected, and sent certayne horsemen into the countrie for

forredge : so that the Cimbrise beleevyng, that he incamped,

they also incamped, and devided them selves into sundrie

partes, to provide for victuals, wherof Luttatius being aware,

passed the river they beyng not able to let him. Some for How to passe

to passe a river havynge no bridge, have devided it, and one :i ryver

parte they have turned behynde their backes, and the other

then becomynge shalower, with ease they have passed it :

when the rivers be swift, purposyng to have their footemen

to passe safely, they place their strongest horses on the

higlier side, that thei may sustain the water, and an other

parte be lowe that may succour the men, if any of the river

in passyng should be overcome with the water : They passe

also rivers, that be verie deepe, with bridges, with botes,

and with barrelles : and therfore it is good to have in a redi- A polecie of

nesse in an armie wherewith to be able to make all these Cesar to pa*se

thynges. It fortuneth sometime that in passyng a river, the a river, where

enemie standyntje ajjaynst thee on the other banke, doeth let !11S cncnu®

mj fo fe J ' beyng on the

thee : to minde to overcome tins dlmcultle, I know not a other-side
better insample to folow, then the same of Cesar, whome therof sought
havynge his armie on the banke of a river in Fraunce, and to lette hym.

167

THE
FIVETH
BOOKE

How to know
the Foordes
of a river.

Howe to
escape oute
of a straight
where the
sameisbesette
with enemies.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

his passage beynge letted of Vergintorige a Frenche man, the
whiche on the other side of the river had his men, marched
many daies a longe the river, and the like did the enemie :
wherfore Cesar incamping in a woddie place, apte to hide
men, he tooke out of every legion three cohortes, and made
them to tarie in the same place, commaundynge theim that so
soone as he was departed, they shoulde caste over a bridge,
and should fortefie it, and he with his other menne folowed
on the waye : wherfore Vergintorige seyng the number of
the legions, thinkyng that there was not left anie parte of
theim behinde, folowed also his way : but Cesar when he
supposed that the bridge was made, tourned backewarde,
and findynge all thinges in order, passed the river without
difficultee.

ZANOBI. Have ye any rule to know the foordes ?

FABRITIO. Yea, we have : alwaies the river, in that parte,
whiche is betwene the water, that is stilleste, and the water
that runneth fastest, there is least depth and it is a place
more meete to be looked on, then any other where. For
that alwaies in thesame place, the river is moste shallowest.
The whiche thyng, bicause it hath been proved many tymes,
is moste true.

ZANOBI. If it chaunce that the River hath marde the
Foorde, so that the horses sincke, what reamedy have you ?

FABRICIO. The remedie is to make hardels of roddes
whiche must be placed in the bottome of the river, and so
to passe upon those : but let us folowe our reasonyng. If
it happen that a capitain be led with his armie, betwen two
hilles, and that he have not but twoo waies to save hymself,
either that before, or that behinde, and those beyng beset
of thenemies, he hath for remidie to doe the same, which
some have doen heretofore : that which have made on their
hinder parte a greate trenche, difficult to passe over, and
semed to the enemie, to mynde to kepe him of, for to be
able with al his power, without neding to feare behinde, to
make force that waie, whiche before remaineth open. The
whiche the enemies belevyng, have made theim selves
stronge, towardes the open parte, and have forsaken the

168

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

inclosed, and he then castyng a bridge of woode over the THE
Trent-he, for boche an effect prepared, bothe on thesame FIVETH
parte, with out any impedimente hath passed, and also BOOKE
delivered hymself out of the handes of the enemie. Lucius Howe Lutius
Minutus a Consul of Rome, was in Liguria with an armie, Minutius
and was of the enemies inclosed, betwene certaine hilles, e^af^ °"jt.
whereby he could not go out : therefore he sente certaine wherinliefwaa
souldiours of Numidia on horsebacke, whiche he had in his inclosed of
armie (whom were evill armed, and upon little leane horses) Ins enemies,
towardes the places that were kepte of the enemies, whom at
the first sight made the enemies, to order theim selves to
gether, to defende the passage : but after that thei sawe
those men ill apoincted, and accordyng to their facion evill
horsed, regardyng theim little, enlarged the orders of their
warde, wherof so sone as the Numidians wer a ware, givyng
the spurres to their horses, and runnyng violently upon
theim, passed before thei could provide any remedy, whom
beyng passed, destroied and spoiled the countrie after soche
sorte, that thei constrained the enemies, to leave the passage
free to the annie of Lucius. Some capitaine, whiche hath Howe some
perceived hymself to be assaulted of a greate multitude of C'apitaynes
enemies, hath drawen together his men, and hath given to |'^m ^^g6^
the enemie commoditie, to compasse hym all about, and be compassed
then on thesame part, whiche he hath perceived to be moste aboute of
weake, hath made force, and by thesame waie, hath caused their enemies,
to make waie, and saved hymself.

Marcus Antonius retiryng before the armie of the A polecie of
Parthians, perceived how the enemies every daie before Marcus
Sunne risyng, when he removed, assaulted him, and all the Anto1
waie troubled hym : in so moch, that he determined not to
departe the nexte daie, before None : so that the Parthians
beleving, that he would not remove that daie, retourned to
their tentes. Whereby Marcus Antonius might then all
the reste of the daie, rnarche without any disquietnesse.
This self same man for to avoide the arrowes of the A defenre for
Parthians, commaunded his men, that when the Parthians tli1tte °
came towardes them, thei should knele, and that the second
ranke of the battailes, should cover with their Targaettes,

Y 169

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE the heddes of the firste, the thirde, the seconde, the fowerth,
FIVETH the third, and so successively, that all the armie came, to be
BOOKE as it were under a pentehouse, and defended from the
shotte of the enemies. This is as moche as is come
into my remembraunce, to tell you, which maie happen
unto an armie marchyng : therefore, if you re
member not any thyng els, I will passe to
an other parte.

170

THE SIXTHE BOOKE

OF THE ARTE OF WARRE OF

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL, CITEZEINE

AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,

UNTO

LAURENCE PHILIP STROZZE.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE SIXTHE BOOKE

ZANOBI.

BELEVE that it is good, seyng the reason-
yng must be chaunged, that Baptiste take
his office, and I to resigne myne, and wee
shall come in this case, to imitate the good
Capitaines (accordyng as I have nowe
here understoode of the gentilman) who
place the beste souldiours, before and be-
ninde the armie, semyng unto theim neces-
sarie to have before, soche as maie lustely heginne the faiglit,
and soche as behinde maie lustely sustaine it. Now seyng
Cosimus began this reasonyng prudently, Baptiste prudently
shall ende it. As for Luigi and I, have in this middeste
intertained it, and as every one of us hath taken his part
willingly, so I beleve not, that Baptiste wil refuse it.

BAITISTE. I have let my self been governed hetherto, so
I minde to doe still. Therfore be contente sir, to folowe
your reasonyng, and if we interrupte you with this practise
of ours, have us excused.

FABRITIO. You dooe me, as all readie I have saied, a
inoste greate pleasure ; for this your interrupting me,
taketh not awaie my fantasie, but rather refresheth me.
But mindyng to foil owe our matter I saie, how that it is
now tyme, that we lodge this our armie, for that you knowe
every thyng desireth reste and saftie, bicause to reste, and
not to reste safely, is no perfecte reste : I doubte moche,
whether it hath not been desired of \fou, that I should firste

173

THE
SIXTHE
BOOKE

How the

Grekes

incamped.

Howe the
Romaines
incamped.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

have lodged them, after made theim to marche, and laste
of all to faight, and we have doen the contrary : whereunto
necessitie hath brought us, for that intendyng to shewe,
how an armie in going, is reduced from the forme of march
ing, to thesame maner of faightyng, it was necessarie to
have firste shewed, how thei ordered it to faight. But
tournyng to our matter, I saie, that minding to have the
Campe sure, it is requisite that it be strong, and in good
order : the industrie of the Capitaine, maketh it in order,
the situacion, or the arte, maketh it stronge. The Grekes
sought strong situacions, nor thei would never place theim
selves, where had not been either cave, or bancke of a river,
or multitude of trees, or other naturall fortificacion, that
might defende theim : but the Romaines not so moche in-
camped safe through the situacion, as through arte, nor
thei would never incampe in place, where thei should not
have been able to have raunged all their bandes of menne,
accordyng to their discipline. Hereby grewe, that the
Romaines might kepe alwaies one forme of incamping, for
that thei would, that the situacion should bee ruled by
them, not thei by the situacion : the which the Grekes
could not observe, for that beyng ruled by the situacion,
and variyng the situacion and forme, it was conveniente,
that also thei should varie the maner of incampyng, and
the facion of their lodgynges. Therefore the Romaines,
where the situacion lacked strength thei supplied thesame
with arte, and with industrie. And for that I in this my
declaracion, have willed to imitate the Romaines, I will not
departe from the maner of their incamping, yet not observ-
yng altogether their order, but takyng thesame parte, whiche
semeth unto me, to be mete for this present tyme. I have
told you many tymes, how the Romaines had in their con-
sull armies, twoo Legions of Romaine men, whiche were
aboute a leven thousande footemen, and sixe hundred horse
men, and moreover thei had an other leven thousande foote
men, sente from their frendes in their aide : nor in their
armie thei had never more souldiers that were straungers,
then Romaines, excepte horsemenne, whom thei cared not,
174

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

though thei were more in nomber then theirs : and in all THE
their doynges, thei did place their Legions in the middeste, S1XTHE
and the aiders, on the sides: the whiche maner, thei observed BOOKE
also in incampyng, as by your self you maie rede, in those
aucthoures, that write of their actes : and therefore I pur
pose not to shewe you distinctly how thei incamped, but to
tell you onely with what order, I at this presente would
incampe my armie, whereby you shall then knowe, what
parte I have taken out of the Komaine maners. You
knowe, that in stede of twoo Romaine Legions, I have taken
twoo maine battailes of footemen, of sixe thousande foote-
men, and three hundred horsemen, profitable for a maine
battaile, and into what battailes, into what weapons, into
what names I have devided theim : you knowe howe in orcler-
yng tharmie to marche, and to faight, I have not made
mencion of other men, but onely have shewed, how that
doublyng the men, thei neded not but to double the orders :
but mindyng at this presente, to shew you the maner of
incampyng, me thinketh good not to stande onely with twoo
maine battailes, but to bryng together a juste armie, made like
unto the Romaines, of twoo maine battailes, and of as many
mo aidyng men : the whiche I make, to the intent that the
forme of the incampyng, maie be the more perfect, by lodgyng
a perfecte armie : whiche thyng in the other demonstracions,
hath not seined unto me so necessarie. Purposing then, to The maner of
incampe a juste armie, of xxiiii. thousande footemen, and of theincamping
twoo thousande good horsemenne, beeyng devided into fower of an arnue-
maine battailes, twoo of our owne menne, and twoo of
straungers, I would take this waie. The situacion beyng
founde, where I would incampe, I would erecte the hed
standarde, and aboute it, I would markc out a quadrant,
whiche should have every side distante from it xxxvii.
yardes and a half, of whiche every one of them should lye,
towardes one of the fower regions of heaven, as Easte,
Weste, Southe, and Northe : betwene the whiche space, I
would that the capitaines lodgyng should be appoincted. The lodging
And bicause I beleve that it is wisedom, to devide the armed for the tf e»e-
frorn the unarmed, seyng that so, for the nioste parte the ral1 CJlPltame-

175

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE Romaines did, I would therefore seperate the menne, that
SIXTHE were cumbered with any thing, from the uncombered. I
BOOKE would lodge all, or the greatest parte of the armed, on the
side towardes the Easte, and the unarmed, and the cum-
bred, on the Weste side, makyng Easte the hedde, and
Weste the backe of the Campe, and Southe, and Northe,
should be the flanckes : and for to distinguishe the lodgynges
of the armed, I would take this waie. I would drawe a
line from the hedde standarde, and lead it towardes the
Easte, the space of CCCCC.x. yardes and a half : I would
after, make two other lines, that should place in the mid-
deste the same, and should bee as longe as that, but
distante eche of theim from it a leven yardes and a quarter :
in the ende whereof, I would have the Easte gate, and the
space that is betwene the twoo uttermoste lines, should make
a waie, that should go from the gate, to the capitaines
lodging, whiche shall come to be xxii. yardes and a halfe
broad, and CCCClxxii. yardes and a halfe longe, for the
xxxvii. yardes and a halfe, the lodgyng of the Capitaine will
take up : and this shall bee called the Capitaine waie. Then
there shall be made an other waie, from the Southe gate, to
the Northe gate, and shall passe by the hedde of the capitaine
waie, and leave the Capitaines lodgyng towardes theaste,
whiche waie shalbe ix.C.xxxvii. yardes and a halfe long (for
the length therof wilbe as moche as the breadth of all the
lodgynges) and shall likewise be xxii. yardes and a half
broad, and shalbe called the crosse waie. Then so sone as
the Capitaines lodgyng, were appoincted out, and these twoo
waies, there shall bee begun to be appoincted out, the lodg-
inges of our own two main battailes, one of the whiche, I
would lodge on the right hand of the capitaines waie, and
the other, on the lefte : and therefore passing over the
space, that the breadth of the crosse waie taketh, I would
place xxxii. lodgynges, on the lefte side of the capitain waie,
and xxxii. on the right side, leavyng betwene the xvi. and
the xvii. lodgyng, a space of xxii. yardes and a halfe, the
whiche should serve for a waie overthwart, whiche should
runne overthwarte, throughout all the lodgynges of the
176

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

maine battailes, as in the distributing of them shall bee THE
seen. SIXTH E

Of these twoo orders of lodgynges in the beginning of BOOKE
the head, whiche shall come to joygne to the crosse waye, I The lodgings
would lodge the Capitaine of the men of armes, in the xv. f°r tlie me"
lodgynges, which on everie side foloweth next, their men of ^ .,2™]*^
armes, where eche main battaile, havyng a Cl. men of armes, c'auitaine.
it will come to ten men of armes for a lodgyng. The spaces
of the Capitaines lodgynges, should be in bredth xxx. and
in length vii. yardes and a halfe. And note that when so Note, which
ever I sai bredeth, it signifieth the space of the middest is breadth and
from Southe to Northe, and saiyng length, that whiche is ^ichelenffth
f T, ', r-iu f ii] in the square

from weste to Laste. Ihose ot the men of armes, shoulde caltlpe.

be xi. yardes and a quarter in length, and xxii. yardes and
a halfe in bredeth. In the other xv. lodgynges, that on everie
syde should folowe, the whiche should have their beginnyng The lodgings
on the other side of the overthwarte way, and whiche shall f°r tlu> l'Kllte
have the very same space, that those of the men of armes IJy^thelr '
had, I woulde lodge the light horsemen: wherof beynge a 'capitjiin.
hundred and fiftie, it will come to x. horsemen for a lodg
yng, and in the xvi. that remaineth, I woulde lodge their
Capitaine, gevynge him the verie same space, that is geven
to the Capitain of the men of armes : and thus the lodginges
of the horsemen of two maine battailes, will come to place
in the middest the Capitaine way, and geve rule to the
lodginges of the footemen, as I shall declare. You have
noted how I have lodged the CCC. horsemen of everie main
battaile with their Capitaines, in xxxii. lodgynges placed
on the Captaine waie, havynge begun from the crosse waie,
and how from the xvi. to the xvii. there remaineth a space
of xxii. yardes and a halfe, to make awaie overthwarte.
Mindvng therefore to lodge the xx. battailes, which the
twoo ordinarie maine battailes have, I woulde place the The lodgings
lodgyng of everie twoo battailes, behinde the lodgynges of for the foote-

the horsemen, everie one of whiche, should have in length nuV1 °* two°

, , i • i j .1 •• j i ordinary mam

xi. yardes and a quarter, and in bredeth xxii. yardes and a i,attailes

half, as those of the horsemens, and shoulde bee joigned on

the hinder parte, that thei shoulde touche the one the other.

Z 177

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The lodgings
for the cone-

The nomber
of footemen

ever

THE ARTE OF WARRE

And in every first lodgyng on everie side which cometh to
lie on the crosse waie, I woulde lodge the Counstable of a
battaile, whiclie should come to stand even with the lodgyng
of the Capitayne of the men of armes, and this lodgyng
shall have onely of space for bredeth xv. yardes, and for
length vii. yardes and a halfe. In the other xv. lodgynges,
that on everie side followeth after these, even unto the over-
thwarte way, I would lodge on everie part a battaile of
foote men, whiche beyng iiii. hundred and fif'tie, there will
come to a lodgyng xxx. the other xv. lodgynges, I woulde
place continually on every side on those of the light horse
men' w^ ^e verie same spaces, where I woulde lodge on
everie part, an other battaile of fote men, and in the laste
lodgyng, I would place on every parte the Conestable of the
battaile, whiche will come to joigne with the same of the
Capitaine of the lighte horsemen, with the space of vii.
yardes and a halfe for length, and xv. for bredeth : and so
these two firste orders of lodgynges, shal be halfe of horse
men, and halfe of footemen. And for that I woulde (as in
the place therof I have tolde you) these horse menne shoulde
be all profitable, and for this havynge no servauntes whiche
in kepyng the horses, or in other necessarie thynges might
helpe them, I woulde that these footemen, who lodge behynde
the horse, should bee bounde to helpe to provide, and to
keepe theim for their maisters : and for this to bee exempted
from the other doynges of the Campe. The whiche maner,
was observed of the Romanies. Then leavyng after these
lodgynges on everie parte, a space of xxii. yardes and a
halfe, whiche shoulde make awaye, that shoulde* be called the
one, the firste wave on the righte hande, and the other the
firste waie on the lefte hand, I woulde pitche on everie side an
other order of xxxii. double lodgynges, whiche should tourne
their hinder partes the one againste the other with the verie
same spaces, as those that I have tolde you of, and devided
after the sixtenth in the verie same maner for to make the
overthwarte waie, where I would lodge on every side iiii.
battailes of footemen, with their constables in bothe endes.
Then leavyng on every side an other space of xxii. yardes
178

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

and a halfe, that shoulde make a waie, whiche shoulde be
called of the one side, the seconde waie on the right hande,
and on the other syde, the seconde way on the lef'te hande,
I would place an other order on everie side of xxxii. double
lodgynges, with the verie same distance and devisions, where
I would lodge on everie side, other iiii. battailes with their
Constables : and thus the horesemenne and the bandes of
the twoo ordinarie maine battailes, should come to be
lodged in three orders of lodgynges, on the one side of the
capitaine waie, and in three other orders of lodgynges on the
other side of the Capitaine waie. The twoo aidyng maine
battels (for that I cause them to be made of the verie same
nation) I woulde lodge them on everie parte of these twoo
ordinarie maine battailes, with the very same orders of
double lodgynges, pitchyng first one order of lodgynges,
where should lodge halfe the horsemen, and half the foote
men, distance xxii. yardes and a halfe from the other, for
to make a wav whiche should be called the one, the thirde
waie on the right hande, and the other the thirde waie on
the lefte hande. And after, I woulde make on everie side,
twoo other orders of lodgynges, in the verie same maner
destinguesshed and ordeined, as those were of the ordinarie
maine battelles, which shall make twoo other wayes, and
they all should be called of the nunibre, and of the hande,
where thei should be placed : in suche wyse, that all this
side of the armie, shoulde come to be lodged in xii. orders of
double lodgynges, and in xiii. waies, reckenynge captaine
waie, and crosse waie : I would there should remayne a space
from the lodgynges to the Trent-lie of Ixxv. yaraes rounde
aboute : and if you recken al these spaces, you shall see that
from the middest of the Capitaines lodgyng to the caste
gate, there is Dx. yardes. Now there remaineth twoo spaces,
whereof one is from the Capitaines lodgyng to the Southe
gate, the other is from thense to the Nortne gate : whiche
come to be (either of them measurynge them from the poincte
in the middest) CCCC.lxxvi. yardes. Then takyng out of
everie one of these spaces xxxvii. yardes and a halfe, whiche
the Capitayneslodgynge occupieth, and xxxiiii. yardes everie

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THE
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The lodg
ynges for the
chiefe Capi
taines of the
maine bat-
tayles and for
thetreasurers,
marshals and
straungers.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

waie for a market place, and xxii. yardes and a halfe for a
way that devides everie one of the saied spaces in the mid-
dest, and Ixxv. yardes, that is lefte on everie part betweene
the lodgynges and the Trenche, there remaineth on every
side a space for lodginges of CCC. yardes broade, and Ixxv.
yardes longe, measurynge the length with the space that the
Captaines lodgynge taketh up. Devidynge then in the mid-
dest the saied lengthe, there woulde be made on every hande
of the Capitaine xl. lodgynges xxxvii. yardes and a halfe
longe, and xv. broade, whiche will come to be in all Ixxx.
lodgynges, wherin shall be lodged the heddes of the maine
battailes, the Treasurers, the Marshalles of the fielde, and
all those that shoulde have office in the armie, leavyng some
voide for straungers that shoulde happen to come, and for
those that shall serve for good will of the Capitaine. On
the parte behinde the Capitaines lodgynge, I would have a
way from Southe to Northe xxiii. yardes large, and shoulde
be called the hed way, whiche shall come to be placed a
longe by the Ixxx. lodgynges aforesayd : for that this waie,
and the crosseway, shall come to place in the middest be
tweene them bothe the Capitaines lodgynge, and the Ixxx.
lodgynges that be on the sides therof. From this hed
waie, and from over agaynst the captaines lodgyng, I
would make an other waie, which shoulde goe from tliens
to the weste gate, lykewyse broade xxii. yardes and a halfe,
and should aunswer in situation and in length to the Cap-
taine way, and should be called the market waie. These
twoo waies beynge made, I woulde ordeine the market place,
where the market shall bee kepte, whiche I woulde place on
the head of the market way over against the capitaines
lodgynge, and joigned to the head way, and I woulde have
it to be quadrante, and woulde assigne Ixxxx. yardes and
three quarters to a square : and on the right hande and
lefte hande, of the saied market place, I would make two
orders of lodginges, where everie order shal have eight
double lodginges, which shall take up in length, ix. yardes,
and in bredeth xxii. yardes and a halfe, so that there shall
come to be on every hande of the market place, xvi. lodg-
180

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

ynges that shall place the same in the middest which shall THE
be in al xxxii. wherin I woulde lodge those horsemen, SIXTH E
which shoulde remaine to the aidyng mayne battailes : and BOOKE
when these should not suffise, I woulde assigne theim some Lodginpes for
of those lodginges that })laceth between them the Capitaines the horsemen,

lodiryn^e, and in especially those, that lie towardes the °ftheextra-

oj o ' j ' ordinarie

Trenche. I here resteth now to lodge the Pikes, and extra- „

• IT i* • • • i • i i i • i nia\ ne oai-

ordinari Veliti, that everie main battaile hath, which you tailes.

know accordynge to our order, how everie one hath besides 'n,e J0dp-
the x. battailes M. extraordinarie Pikes, and five hundreth ynges for
Veliti : so that the twoo cheefe maine battailes, have two the cxtra-
thousande extraordinarie Pikes, and a thousande extra- p*!j|"g ™nd
ordinarie Veliti, and the ayders as many as those, so that Veliti.
yet there remaineth to be lodged, vi. M. menne, whome I
woulde lodge all on the weste side, and a longe the Trenche.
Then from the ende of the hed waye, towardes Northe, leav-
yng the space of Ixxv. yardes from them to the trenche, I
woulde place an order of v. double lodgynges, whiche in all
shoulde take up Ivi. yardes in lengthe, and xxx. in bredeth :
so that the bredeth devided, there will come to everie
lodgyng xi. yardes and a quarter for lengthe, and for
bredeth twoo and twentie yardes and a half. And because
there shall be x. lodgynges, I will lodge three hundred men,
apoinctyng to every lodging xxx. men : leavyng then a space
of three and twentie yardes and a quarter, I woulde place in
like wise, and with like spaces an other order of five double
lodgvnges, and againe an other, till there were five orders of
five double lodgvnges : which wil come to be fiftie lodg
ynges placed bv right line on the Northe side, every one of
them distante from the Trenche Ixxv. yardes, which will
lodge fifteene hundred men. Tournyng after on the lefte
hande towardes the weste gate. I woulde pitche in all the
same tracte, whiche were from them to the saied gate, five
other orders of double lodgvnges, with the verie same
spaces, and with the verie same nianer : true it is, that
from the one order to the other, there shall not be more
then a xi. yardes and a quarter of space : wherin shall be
lodged also fifteene hundred men : and thus from the

181

THE
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How the
Artillerie
mustbeplaced
in the Campe.

Lodgynges
for the un-

an™ thJplaces

that are
apoincted
for the im-

of

THE ARTE OF WARRE

Northe gate to the weste, as the Trenche turneth, in a
hundred lodginges devided in x. rewes of five double lodg-
ynges in a rowe, there will be lodged all the Pikes and ex-
traordinarie Veliti of the cheefe maine battayles. And so
from the west gate to the Southe, as the Trenche tourneth
even in the verie same maner, in other ten rewes of ten
lodgynges in a rewe, there shall be lodged the pikes, and
extraordinarie Veliti of the aidyng mayne battailes. Their
headdes or their counstables may take those lodgynges,
that shal seeme unto them moste commodious, on the parte
towardes the trenche. The Artillerie, I woulde dispose

throughoute all the Campe, a longe the banke of the

™ y j • n j.u Ti_ i 11

J-rencne : an(i m all the other space that shoulde remame

towardes weste, I woulde lodge all the unarmed, and place
all the impedimentes of the Campe. And it is to be under-
stoode, that under this name of impedimentes (as you know)
the antiquitee mente all the same trayne, and all those
thynges, which are necessarie for an armie, besides the
souldiours : as are Carpenters, Smithes, Masons, Ingeners,
Bombardiers, althoughe that those might be counted in the
numbre of the armed, herdemen with their herdes of motons
and beeves whiche for victuallyng of the armie, are requiset :
and moreover maisters of all sciences, together with publicke
carriages of the publicke munition, whiche pertaine as well
to victuallyng, as to armynge. Nor I would not distin-
guishe these lodginges perticularly, only I would marke out
the waies which should not be occupied of them : then the
other spaces, that betweene the waies shall remaine, whiche
shall be fower, I woulde appoincte theim generally for all the
saied impedimentes, that is one for the herdemen, the other
for artificers and craftes men, the thirde for publicke car
riages of victuals, the fowerth for the municion of armur
and weapons. The waies whiche I woulde shoulde be lefte
without ocupiyng them, shal be the market waie, the head
waye, and more over a waie that shoulde be called the midde
waye, whiche should goe from Northe to Southe, and should
passe thoroughe the middest of the market waie, whiche
from the weste parte, shoulde serve for the same purpose
182

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

that the overthwarte way doeth on the ast parte. And THE
besides this, a waye whiche shall goe aboute on the hinder SIXTHE
parte, alonge the lodgynges of the Pikes and extraordinarie BOOKE
Veliti, and all these wayes shall be twoo and tweentie
yardes and a halfe broad e. And the Artilerie, I woulde
place a longe the Trenche of the Campe, rounde aboute
the same.

BAITISTK. I confesse that I understand not, nor I beleeve
that also to save so, is any shame unto me, this beyng not
my exercise : notwithstandyng, this order pleaseth me
muche : onely I woulde that you shoulde declare me these
doubles : The one, whie you make the waie, and the spaces
aboute so large. The other, that troubleth me more, is
these spaces, whiche you apoincte oute for the lodgynges,
howe they ought to be used.

FABRITIO. You must note, that I make all the waies, xxii.
yardes and a halfe broade, to the intente that thorowe
them, maie go a battaile of men in araie, where if you
remember wel, I tolde you how every bande of menne,
taketh in breadth betwene xviii. and xxii. yardes of space
to mart-he or stande in. Nowe where the space that is be
twene the trenche, and the lodgynges, is Ixxv. yardes broade,
thesarne is moste necessarie, to the intent thei maie there
order the battailes, and the artillerie, bothe to conducte by
thesame the praies, and to have space to retire theim selves
with newe trenches, and newe fortificacion if neede were :
The lodginges also, stande better so farre from the diches,
beyng the more out of daunger of h'res, and other thynges,
whiche the enemie, might throwe to hurte them. Concern-
yng the seconde demaunde, my intent is not that every
space, of me marked out, bee covered with a pavilion onely,
but to be used, as tourneth commodious to soch as lodge
there, either with more or with lesse Tentes, so that thei go
not out of the boundes of thesame. And for to marke out
these lodginges, there ought to bee moste cunnyng menne,
and moste excellente Architectours, whom, so sone as the
Capitaine hath chosen the place, maie knowe how to give it
the facion, and to distribute it, distinguishyng the waies,

183

THE
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The Campe
ought to be
all waies of
one facion.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

devidyng the lodgynges with Coardes and staves, in soche
practised wise, that straight waie, thei maie bee ordained,
and devided : and to minde that there growe no confusion,
it is conveniente to tourne the Campe, alwaies one waie, to the
intente that every manne maie knowe in what waie, in what
space he hath to finde his lodgyng : and this ought to be
observed in every tyme, in every place, and after soche maner,
that it seme a movyng Citee, the whiche where so ever it
goweth, carrieth with it the verie same waies, the verie same
habitacions, and the verie same aspectes, that it had at the
firste : The whiche thing thei cannot observe, whom sekyng
strong situacions, must chaunge forme, accordyng to the
variacion of the grounde : but the Romaines in the plaine,
made stronge the place where thei incamped with trenches,
and with Rampires, bicause thei made a space about the
campe, and before thesame a ditche, ordinary broad fower
yardes and a halfe, and depe aboute twoo yardes and a
quarter, the which spaces, thei increased, according us thei
intended to tarie in a place, and accordyng as thei feared
the enemie. I for my parte at this presente, would not
make the listes, if I intende not to Winter in a place : yet
I would make the Trenche and the bancke no lesse, then
the foresaied, but greater, accordyng to necessitie. Also,
consideryng the artellerie, I would intrench upon every
corner of the Campe, a halfe circle of ground, from whens
the artillerie might flancke, whom so ever should seke to
come over the Trenche. In this practise in knowyng how
to ordain a campe, the souldiours ought also to be exercised,
and to make with them the officers expert, that are ap-
poincted to marke it out, and the Souldiours readie to
knowe their places : nor nothyng therein is difficulte, as in
the place thereof shall bee declared : wherefore, I will goe
forewarde at this tyme to the warde of the campe, bicause
without distribucion of the watche, all the other pain that
hath been taken, should be vain.

BAPTISTE. Before you passe to the watche, I desire that
you would declare unto me, when one would pitche his
campe nere the enemie, what waie is used : for that I knowe

184

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

not, how a man male have tyme, to be able to ordaine it THE
without perill. SIXTIIE

FABUICIO. You shall understande this, that no Capitaine BOOKE
will lye nere the enemie, except he, that is desposed to
faight the fielde, when so ever his adversarie will : and
when a capitaine is so disposed, there is no perill, but
ordinarie : for that the twoo partes of the annie, stande
alwaies in a redinesse, to faight the battaile, and thother
maketh the lodginges. The Romanies in this case, gave
this order of fortiKyng the Campe, unto the Triarii : and
the Prencipi, and the Astati, stoode in armes. This thei
did, for as moche as the Triarii, beyng the last to faight,
might have time inough, if the enemie came, to leave
the woorke, and to take their weapons, and to get them
into their places. Therfore, accordyng unto the Komaines
maner, you ought to cause the Campe to be made of those
battailes, whiche you will set in the hinder parte of the
armie, in the place of the Triarii. But let us tourne to
reason of the watche.

I thinke I have not founde, emongest the antiquitie, that Theantiquitie
for to warde the campe in the night, thei have kepte watche ^sed no
without the Trenche, distaunte as thei use now a daies, Scoutes-
whom thei call Scoutes : the whiche I beleve thei did,
thinkyng that the armie might easely bee deceived, through
the diflicultie, that is in seevng them agnine, for that thei
might bee either corrupted, or oppressed of the enemie : So
that to truste either in parte, or altogether on them, thei
judged it perillous. And therefore, all the strength of the
watche, was with in the trenche, whiche thei did withall
diligence kepe, and with moste greate order, punished with
death, whom so ever observed not thesame order : the
whiche how it was of them ordained, I will tell you no other
wise, leaste I should bee tedious unto you, beyng able by
your self to see it, if as yet you have not seen it : I shall
onelv briefly tell that, whiche shall make for niv purpose, I Thr wntche
wold cause to stand ordinarely every night, the thirde parte aml "ai'(1° of
of the armie armed, and of thesame, the fowerth parte tjie (
alwaies on foote, whom I would make to bee destributed,

A A 185

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE throughout all the banckes, and throughout all the places
SIXTHE of the armie, with double warde, placed in every quadrante
BOOKE of thesame : Of whiche, parte should stande still, parte con
tinually should go from the one corner of the Campe, to the
other: and this order, I would observe also in the daie,
when I should have the enemie nere.

Concernyng the givyng of the watche worde, and renu-

yng thesame every evening, and to doe the other thynges,

whiche in like watches is used, bicause thei are thynges well

inough knowen, I will speake no further of them : onely I

shall remember one thyng, for that it is of greate impor-

taunce, and whiche causeth great saulfgarde observyng it,

Dilligence and not observyng it, moche harme : The whiche is, that

ought to be there be observed greate diligence, to knowe at night, who

used,toknowe i0(joreth not in the Campe, and who commeth a newe : and

who lieth oute . .» . ., . i i i -,i ,1

of the Campe, tnis ls an easle thing to see who lodgeth, with thesame

and who they order that wee have appoincted : for as moche as every

be that lodgyng havyng the determined nomber of menne, it is an

cometh of easie matter to see, if thei lacke, or if there be more menne :

and when thei come to be absente without lisence, to

punishe them as Fugetives, and if there bee more, to under-

stande what thei be, what they make there, and of their

other condicions. This diligence maketh that the enemie

cannot but with difficultie, practise with thy capitaines,

and have knowlege of thy counsailes : which thing if of

Claudius the Romaines, had not been diligently observed, Claudius

Nero. Nero could not, havyng Aniball nere hym, depart from his

Campe, whiche he had in Lucania, and to go and to retourne

from Marca, without Aniball should have firste heard thereof

some thyng. But it suffiseth not to make these orders

good, excepte thei bee caused to bee observed, with a greate

The justice severtie : for that there is nothyng that would have more

that ought to observacion, then is requisite in an armie : therefore the

be in a campe. }awes for ^ne maintenaunce of thesame, ought to be sharpe

Vat tl\UtS anc* ^ar^e' anc* the executour therof mostc harde. The

antiquitie Romaines punished with death him that lacked in the

punisshed watch, he that forsoke the place that was given hym to

with Death, faight in, he that caried any thynge, hidde out of the

186

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

Campe, if any manne should sale, that he had docn some THE
worthy thing in the faight, and had not doen it, if any had SIXTH E
fought without the commaundemente of the Capitaine, if BOOKE
any had for feare, caste awaie his weapons: and when it
happened, that a Cohorte, or a whole Legion, had com
mitted like fault, bicause thei would not put to death all,
thei yet tooke al their names, and did put them in a bagge,
and then by lotte, thei drue oute the tenthe parte, and so
those were put to death : the whiche punishemente, was in
soche wise made, that though every man did not feele
it, every man notwithstandyng feared it : and bicause
where be greate punishementes, there ought to be also
rewardes, mindyng to have menne at one instant, to feare Where greate
and to hope, thei had appoincted rewardes to every worth ie I1
acte: as he that flighting, saved the life of one of his JJere^ughte
Citezeins, to hym that h'rste leapte upon the walle of the likewise to
enemies Toune, to hym that entered h'rste into the Campe bee jrrc.-it
of the enemies, to hym that had in faightyng hurte, or rewardes.
slaine the enemie, he that had stroken him from his horse :
and so every vertuous act, was of the Consulles knowen and
rewarded, and openly of every manne praised : and soche as
obtained giftes, for any of these thynges, besides the glorie
and fame, whicho thei got emongest the souldiours, after
when thei returned into their countrie, with solemne pompe,
and with greate demonstracion emong their frendes and
kinsfolkes, thei shewed them. Therefore it was no marveile, It was no
though thesame people gotte so moche dominion, having n?arT®1 tliat
so moche observacion in punishemente, and rewarde towardes |)(^ani0en
theim, whom either for their well doyng, or for their ill mjghtie
doyng, should deserve either praise or blame : Of whiche Princes,
thynges it were convenient, to observe the greater parte.
Nor I thinke not good to kepe secrete, one manerof punish-
mente of theim observed, whiche was, that so sone as the
offendour, was before the Tribune, or Consulle convicted,
he was of the same lightely stroken with a rodde : after the
whiche strikyng, it was lawful 1 for the offendour to flie, and
to all the Souldiours to kill hym : so that straight waie,
every man threwe at hym either stones, or dartes, or with

187

THE
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A meane to
punishe and
execute
Justice,
without rais
ing1 tumultes.

Manlius
Capitolinus.

Souldiours
sworentokepe
the discipline
of warre.

Women and
idell games,
were not
suffered by
the antiquitie,
to bee in their

THE ARTE OF WARRE

other weapons, stroke hyni in soche wise, that he went but
little waie a live, and moste fewe escaped, and to those that
so escaped, it was not lawfull for them to retourne home,
but with so many incornmodities, and soche greate shame
and ignomie, that it should have ben moche better for him
to have died. This maner is seen to be almoste observed
of the Suizzers, who make the condempned to be put
to death openly, of thother souldiours, the whiche is well
considered, and excellently dooen : for that intendyng, that
one be not a defendour of an evill doer, the greateste
reamedie that is founde, is to make hym punisher of the-
same : bicause otherwise, with other respecte he favoureth
hym : where when he hymself is made execucioner, with
other desire, he desireth his punishemente, then when the
execucion commeth to an other. Therefore mindyng, not
to have one favored in his faulte of the people, a greate
remedie it is, to make that the people, maie have hym to
judge. For the greater proofe of this, thinsample of Maulius
Capitolinus might be brought, who being accused of the
Scenate, was defended of the people, so longe as thei were
not Judge, but becommyng arbitratours in his cause, thei
condempned hym to death. This is then a waie to punishe,
without raisyng tumultes, and to make justise to be kepte :
and for as moche as to bridell armed menne, neither the
feare of the Lawes, nor of menne suffise not, the antiquitie
joined thereunto the aucthoritie of God : and therefore with
moste greate Ceremonies, thei made their souldiours to
sweare, to kepe the discipline of warre, so that doyng con-
trariewise, thei should not onely have to feare the Lawes,
and menne, but God : and thei used all diligence, to fill
them with Religion.

BAPTISTE. Did the Romaines permitte, that women might
bee in their armies, or that there might be used these idell
plaies, whiche thei use now a daies.

FABRITIO. Thei prohibited the one and thother, and this
prohibicion was not moche difficulte : For that there were
so many exercises, in the whiche thei kept every daie the
souldiours, some whiles particularly, somewhiles generally

188

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

occupied, that thei had no time to thinke, either on Venus, THE
or on plaies, nor on any other thyng, whiche sedicious and SIXTHE
unprofitable souldiours doe. BOOKE

BAPTISTK. I am lierein satisfied, but tell me, when the
armie had to remove, what order kepte thei ?

FABRICIO. The chief Trumpet sounded three tymes, at the Ordre iu the
firste sound, thei toke up the Tentes, and made the packes, removing the
at the seconde, thei laded the carriage, at the thirde, thei g^de^o^a
removed in thesame maner aforsaied, with the impedi- Trumpet"
inentes after every parte of armed men, placyng the Legions
in the middeste : and therefore you ought to cause after
thesame sorte, an extraordinarie maine battaile to remove :
and after that, the particular impedimentes therof, and
with those, the fowerth part of the publike impedimentes,
which should bee all those, that were lodged in one of those
partes, whiche a little afore we declared : and therfore it
is conveniente, to have every one of them, appointed to a
maine battaile, to the entente that the armie removyng,
every one might knowe his place in marchyng : and thus
every maine battaile ought to goe awaie, with their owne
impedimentes, and with the fowerth parte of the publike
impedimentes, followyng after in soche maner, as wee shewed
that the Komaines marched.

BAFHSTE. In pitchyng the Campe, had thei other re-
spectes, then those you have tolde ?

FABKICIO. I tell you again, that the Romanies when thei
encamped, would be able to kepe the accustomed fashion of
their maner, the whiche to observe, thei had no other
respecte : but concernyng for other considcracions, thei had
twoo principall, the one, to incampe theim selves in a whole- Kespectes to
some place, the other, to place themselves, where thenemie he had for in-
could not besiege theim, nor take from them the waie to the caniP>'nK-
water, or victualles. Then for to avoide infirmitie, thei did
Hie from places Fennie, or subjecte to hurtfull windes :
whiche thei knewe not so well, by the qualitie of the situa-
cion, as by the face of the inhabi tours : for when thei sawe How to choose
theim evill coloured, or swollen, or full of other infeccion, » PI;ice to
thei would not lodge there : concernyng thother respecte iucamPe-

189

THE
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Howto avoide
diseases from
the armie.

The wonder-
full com-
moditie of
exercise.

The provision
of victualles
that ought
alwaies to bee
inareadinesse
in an armie.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

to provide not to be besieged, it is requisite to consider the
nature of the place, where the friendes lye, and where
thenemies, and of this to make a conjecture, if thou maiest
be besieged or no : and therefore it is meete, that the
Capitaine be moste experte, in the knowlege of situacions
of countries, and have aboute him divers men, that have
the verie same expertenes. Thei avoide also diseases, and
famishment, with causyng the armie to kepe no misrule, for
that to purpose to maintain it in health, it is nedefull to
provide, that the souldiours maie slepe under tentes, that
thei maie lodge where bee Trees, that make shadowe, where
woodde is for to dresse their meate, that thei go not in the
heate, and therefore thei muste bee drawen out of the
campe, before daie in Summer, and in Winter, to take hede,
that thei marche not in the Snowe, and in the Froste,
without havyng comoditie to make fire, and not to lack
necessarie aparel, nor to drink naughtie water : those that
fall sicke by chaunce, make them to bee cured of Phisicions :
bicause a capitain hath no reamedie, when he hath to faight
with sicknesse, and with an enemie : but nothing is so
profitable, to maintaine the armie in health, as is the exer
cise : and therfore the antiquitie every daie, made them to
exercise : wherby is seen how muche exercise availeth : for
that in the Campe, it kepeth thee in health, and in the
faight victorious. Concernyng famishemente, it is neces-
sane to see, that the enemie hinder thee not of thy victualles,
but to provide where thou maieste have it, and to see that
thesame whiche thou haste, bee not loste: and therefore it is
requisite, that thou have alwaiesin provision with the armie,
sutficiente victuall for a monethe, and then removyng into
some strong place, thou muste take order with thy nexte
frendes, that daily thei maie provide for thee, and above al
thinges bestowe the victual with diligence, givyng every
daie to every manne, a reasonable measure, and observe
after soche sorte this poincte, that it disorder thee not :
bicause all other thyng in the warre, maie with tyme be
overcome, this onely with tyme overcometh thee : nor there
shall never any enemie of thyne, who maie overcome thee
190

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

with famishemente, that will seeke to overcome thee with THE

iron. For that though the victory be not so honourable, SIXTHE

yet it is more sure and more certaine : Then, thesame armie BOOKE

cannot avoide famishemente, that is not an observer of

justice, whiche licenciously consumeth what it liste : bicause

the one disorder, maketh that the victualls commeth not

unto you, the other, that soche victuall as commeth, is un-

profitably consumed : therefore thantiquitie ordained, that

thei should spende thesame, whiche thei gave, and in thesame

tyme when thei appoincted : for that no souldiour did eate,

but when the Capitaine did eate : The whiche how moche it

is observed of the armies nowe adaies, every manne knoweth,

and worthely thei can not bee called menne of good order

and sober, as the antiquitie, but lasivious and drunkardes.

BAPTISTE. You saied in the beginnyng of orderynge the
Campe, that you woulde not stande onely uppon twoo maine
battailes, but woulde take fower, for to shewe how a juste
armie incamped : therfore I would you shoulde tell me
twoo thynges, the one, when I shoulde have more or lesse
men, howe I ought to incampe them, the other, what
numbre of souldiours should suffice you to faight against
whnt so ever enemie that were.

FABRITIO. To the first question I answer you, that if the Howetolod^e
armie be more or lesse, then fower or sixe thousande soul- i» the Campe
diours, the orders of lodgynges, may bee taken awaie or niore or lesse

™*

joined, so many as suffiseth : and with this wav a man mav :

i • i • /« »T * . * , * Liiu onii ii*i ntr

goe in more, and in lesse, into infinite : Notwithstandynge
the Romaines, when thei joigncd together twoo consull
armies, thei made twoo campes, and thei tourned the partes
of the unarmed, thone against thother. Concernyng the
second <|uestion, I say unto you, that the Romaines ordinary
armie, was about xxiiii. M. souldiours: but when thei were
driven to faight against the greatest power that might be,
the moste that thei put together, WIT 1. M. With this
number, thei did set against two hundred thousand Frenche-
men, whome assaulted them after the first warre, that Ihei
had with the Carthageners. With this verie same numbre,
thei fought againste Anniball. And you muste note, that

191

THE
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The nombre
of men that
an army
ought to be
made of, to
bee able to
faighte with
the puisantest
enemiethatis.

Pirrus.

Howe to cause
men to do
soche a thing
as shold bee
profitable for
thee, and
hurtfull to
them selves.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

the Romanies, and the Grekes, have made warre with fewe,
fortefiyng themselves thorough order, and thorough arte :
the west, and the easte, have made it with multitude : But
the one of these nacions, doeth serve with natural! furie : as
doe the men of the west partes, the other through the great
obedience whiche those men have to their kyng. But in
Grece, and in Italy, heyng no naturall furie, nor the naturall
reverence towardes their king, it hath been necessary for
them to learne the discipline of warre, the whiche is of so
muche force, that it hath made that a fewe, hath been able
to overcome the furie, and the naturall obstinatenesse of
manie. Therefore I saie, that mindyng to imitate the
Romaines, and the Grekes, the number of 1. M. souldiers,
ought not to bee passed, but rather to take lesse : because
manie make confucion, nor suffer not the discipline to be
observed, and the orders learned, and Pirrus used to saie,
that with xv. thousande men he woulde assaile the worlde :
but let us pas to an other parte. We have made this our
armie to winne a field and shewed the travailes, that in the
same fight may happen : we have made it to marche, and
declared of what impedimentes in marchyng it may be dis
turbed : and finally we have lodged it : where not only it
ought to take a littell reste of the labours passed, but also
to thinke howe the warre ought to be ended : for that in
the lodgynges, is handeled many thynges, inespecially thy
enemies as yet remainyng in the fielde, and in suspected
townes, of whome it is good to be assured, and those that
be enemies to overcome them : therfore it is necessarie to
come to this demonstracion, and to passe this difficultie with
the same glorie, as hitherto we have warred. Therfore
comynge to particular matters, I saie that if it shoulde
happen, that thou wouldest have manie men, or many
people to dooe a thyng, whiche were to thee profittable, and
to theim greate hurte, as should be to breake downe the
wall of their citie, or to sende into exile many of them, it is
necessarie for thee, either to beguile them in such wise that
everie one beleeve not that it toucheth him : so that succour-
yng not the one the other, thei may finde them selves al to
192

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

be oppressed without remedie, or els unto all to commaunde THE
the same, whiche they ought to dooe in one selfe daie, to the SIXTH E
intente that every man belevyng to be alone, to wliome the BOOKE
commaundement is made, maie thinke to obey and not to re
medie it : and so withoute tumulte thy commaundement to be
of everie man executed. If thou shouldest suspecte thefidelitie
of anie people, and woulde assure thee, and overcome them at Howe toover-
unawares, for to colour thy intente more easelie, thou canst rome menne
not doe better, then to counsel with them of some purpose at Ullwares-
of thine, desiryng their aide, and to seeme to intendc to
make an other enterprise, and to have thy minde farre from
thinkyng on them : the whiche will make, that thei shall
not think on their owne defence, beleevyng not that thou
purposes! to hurte them, and thei shal geve thee commoditie,
to be able easely to satisHe thy desire. When thou shouldest How to
perceive, that there were in thine armie some, that used to tournetocom-
advertise thy euemie of thy devises, thou canst not doe J""^1^0
better, myndynge to take commoditie by their traiterous soche^use
mindes, then to com men with them of those thynges, that to advertise
thou wilte not doe, and those that thou wilt doe, to kepe thy enemie of
secret, and to say to doubte of thynges, that thou doubtest thX Procead-
not, and those of whiche thou doubtest, to hide: the which >'n^es-
shall make thenemie to take some enterprise in hand,
beleving to know thy devises, where by easly thou maiest
beguile and opresse hym. If thou shouldest intende (as How to order
Claudius Nero did) to deminishe thy armie, sendvnge helpe the campe.
to some freende, and that the enemie shoulde not bee aware tliat l.lie
therof, it is necessarie not to deminishe the lodgynges, but f/dt^crcVive
to maintayne the signes, and the orders whole, makyng the whether the
verie same fires, and the verye same wardes throughout all same bee
the campe, as wer wont to be afore. Lykewise if with thy deminished,
armie there should joigne new men, and wouldest that the °
enemie shoulde not know that thou werte ingrosed, it is
necessarie not to increase the lodgvnges : Because keepyng
secrete doynges and devises, hath alwaies been moste pro
fitable. Wherfore Metellus beyng with an armie in
Hispayne, to one, who asked him what he would doe the
nexte daie, answered, that if his sherte knew therof, he
BB

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE would bourne it. Marcus Craussus, unto one, whome asked

SIXTHE him, when the armie shoulde remove, saied beleevest thou

BOOKE to be alone not to bere the trumpet? If thou shouldest

A saiyng of desire to understande the secretes of thy enemie, and to

Metellus. know his orders, some have used to sende embassadours, and

Marcus with theim in servauntes aparel, moste expertest men in

warre : whom havynge taken occasion to se the enemies

How to under- armie, and to consider his strengthe and weakenesse, it hath

secretes of thy geven them oportunitie to overcome him. Some have sente

enemie. ' ^nto ex^e one °* tneir familiars, and by meanes of the same,

hath knowen the devises of his adversarie. Also like

secrettes are understoode of the enemies when for this effecte

A policie of there were taken any prisoners. Marius whiche in the warre

fndriUStat0d that he made Wlth t<>he CimbHe> for to know the faieth of

howeheinig-ht those Frencnmen? wno then inhabited Lombardie, and were

truste the " ^n leage with the Rornaine people, sent them letters open,

Frenchmen, and sealed : and in the open he wrote, that they shoulde

not open the sealed, but at a certaine time, and before the

same time demaundyng them againe, and finding them

opened, knew thereby that their faithe was not to be trusted.

What some Some Capitaines, being invaded, have not desired to goe to

Capitames meete the enemie, but have gone to assaulte his countrey,

when their and constrained nim to retorne to defende his owne home :

countrie have Tlie wniche manie times hath come wel to passe, for that

been invaded those soldiours beginnyng to fil them selves with booties,

of enemies. and confidence to overcome, shall sone make the enemies

souldiours to wexe afraide, when they supposynge theim

selves conquerours, shal understand to become losers : So that

to him that hath made this diversion, manie times it hath

proved well. But onely it may be doen by him, whiche

hath his countrey stronger then that of the enemies, because

To make the when it were otherwise, he should goe to leese. It hath

enemie necli- been often a profitable thyng to a capitaine, that hath been

gente in his besieged in his lodgynges by the enemie, to move an intreatie

of agreemente, and to make truse with him for certaine

daies : the which is wonte to make the enemies more necli-

gente in all doynges : so that avaylynge thee of their necli-

gence, thou maiest easely have occacion to get thee oute of

194

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

their handes. By this way Silla delivered him selfe twise THE

from the enemies: and with this verie same deceipte, SIXTHS

Asdruball in Hispayne got oute of the force of Claudious BOOKE

Nero, whome had besieged him. It helpeth also to deliver isilla.

a man out of the daunger of the enemie, to do some thyng Asdruball.

beside the forsaied, that may keepe him at a baye : this is

dooen in two maners, either to assaulte him with parte of

thy power, so that he beyng attentive to the same faight,

may geve commoditie to the reste of thy men to bee able to

save theim selves, or to cause to rise some newe accidente,

which for the stray ngenesse of the thynge, maie make him

to marvell, and for this occasion to stande doubtefull, and The polioie

still : as you knowe howe Anniball dyd, who beynge inclosed of Aniball,

of Fabius Maximus, tied in the nighte small Bavens kindeled "

• /~\ i l_ 1^1*

beetwecne the homes of manic (Jxen, so that raoius Of tjie ,ian^e
astonied at the strangenesse of the same sight, thought not of Fabius
to lette him at all the passage. A Capitayne oughte Maximus.
amonge all other of his affaires, with al subtiltie to devise A Capitayne
to devide the force of the enemie, either with makyng him jj11^^^
to suspecte his owne menne, in whome he trusteth, or to t^e force o\'
give him occasion, that he maye seperate his menne, and j^ elieniie«.
therby to be come more weake. The fyrste way is dooen
with keepyng saulfe the thynges of some of those whiche he How to caus
hath aboute him, as to save in the warre their menne and the enemie
their possessions, renderynge theim their children, or other ^j^ [,"g
their necessaries withoute raunsome. You know that Anni- most trusty
ball havynge burned all the h'eldes aboute Home, he made men.
onely to bee reserved saulfe those of Fabius Maximus. You Aniball.
know how Coriolanus comyng with an armie to Rome, Coriolanus.
preserved the possessions of the nobilitie, and those of the
comminaltie he bourned, and sacked. Metellus havinge an Metellus
armie againste Jugurte, all the oratours, whiche of Jugurte
were sente him, were required of him, that they wouldegeve
him Jugurte prisoner, and after to the verie same men
writyng letters of the verie same matter, wrought in suche
wise, that in shorte tyme Jugurte havyng in suspecte all his
counsellours, in diverse maners put them to death. Anni
ball bevnge fled to Antiochus, the Homaine oratours prac-

195

THE
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BOOKE

A practis of
the llomayne
oratours, to
bryng Aniball
out of Credit
with Antio
chus.

Howe to

cause the
enemie to
devide his
power.

Howe Titus
Uidius staied
his enemies
that wer going
to incounter a
legion of men
that were
commyng in
his ayde.

Howe some
have caused
the enemie
to devide his
force.

A policie to
winne the
enemies
countrie
before he be
aware.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

tised with him so familiarly, that Antiochus beyng in
suspecte of him, trusted not anie more after to his counselles.
Concernyng to devide the enemies men, there is no more
certainer waie, then to cause their countrie to be assaulted,
to the intente that being constrained to goe to defende the
same, they maie forsake the warre. This way Fabius used
havynge agaynst his armie the power of the Frenchemen, of
the Tuscans, Umbries and Sannites. Titus Didius havyng
a few men in respecte to those of the enemies, and lookynge
for a legion from Rome, and the enemies purposinge to goe
to incounter it, to the intente that they should not goe,
caused to bee noised through all his armie, that he intended
the nexte daie to faighte the field with the enemies : after
he used means, that certaine of the prisoners, that he had
taken afore, had occasion to runne awaie. Who declaryng
the order that the Consull had taken to faighte the nexte
daie, by reason wherof the enemies beyng afraide to demin-
ishe their owne strength, went not to incounter the same
legion, and by this way thei wer conducted safe. The
which means serveth not to devide the force of the enemies,
but to augmente a mans owne. Some have used to devide
the enemies force, by lettyng him to enter into their
countrie, and in profe have let him take manie townes, to
the intente that puttynge in the same garrisons, he might
thereby deminishe his power, and by this waie havynge
made him weake, have assaulted and overcomen him. Some
other mindyng to goe into one province, have made as
though they woulde have invaded an other, and used so
much diligence, that sodenly entryng into the same, where
it was not doubted that they woulde enter, they have h'rst
wonne it, before the ennemie coulde have time to succour it :
for that thy enemie beynge not sure, whether thou pur-
posest to tourne backe, to the place fyrsteof thee threatned,
is constrained not to forsake the one place, to succour the
other, and so many times he defendeth neither the one nor
the other. It importeth besides the sayde thynges to a
Capitaine, if there growe sedicion or discorde amonge the
souldiours, to knowe with arte howe to extynguishe it : The
196

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

beste waie is to chastise the headdes of the faultes, but it THE
muste be doen in such wise, that thou maiest first have SIXTHE
oppressed them, before they be able to be aware: The way BOOKE
is, if they be distante from thee, not onely to call the Howe to re-
offenders, but together with theim all the other, to the tonne sedicion
entente that not beleevynge, that it is for any cause to and discor(ie-
punishe them, they become not contumelius, but geve com-
moditie to the execution of the punishemente : when thei
be present, thou oughtest to make thy selfe stronge with
those that be not in faulte, and by meane of their helpe to
punishe the other. When there hapneth discorde amonge
them, the beste waye is, to bryng them to the perill, the
feare whereof is wonte alwaies to make them agree. But The benefitte
that, which above all other thynge kepeth the armie in that the repu-
unitee, is the reputacion of the Capitaine, the whiche onely [aci)on oftlie
groweth of his vertue : because neither bloud, nor authoritie caused*
gave it ever without vertue. And the chiefe thyng, whiche which is only
of a Capitain is looked for to be doen, is, to keepe his gotten by
souldiours punisshed, and paied : for that when so ever the vertue-
paie Jacket h, it is conveniente that the punisshement lacke : The chiefe
because thou canst not correcte a souldiour, that robbeth, if thyn# that a
thou doest not paie him, nor the same mindynge to live, ^ht^doe
cannot abstaine from robbynge : but if thou paiest him and °
punisshest him not, he beecometh in everie condicion When paie
insolente: For that thou becomest of small estimation, wanteth,
where thou chaunsest not to bee able to maintaine the P

dignitie of thy degree, and not mainetainyng it, there executed *
foloweth of necessitee tumulte, and discorde, whiche is the The incon
ruine of an armie. Olde Capitaines had a troubell, of the veifience'o'f
which the presente be almoste free, whiche was to interprete not puuissh-
to their purpose the sinister auguries : because if there fell VI1£e-
a thunderbolte in an armie, if the sunne were darkened or
the Moone, if there came an erthequake, if the Capitaine
either in gettyng up, or in lightynge of his horse fell, it was
of the souldiours interpreted sinisterously : And it ingendn-d
in them so moche feare, that comynge to faight the fielde,
eascly they should have lost it : and therefore the aunciciite
Cupitaines so sone as a lyke accidente grewe, either they

197

THE
SIXTHE
BOOKE

Cesar chauns-
ynge to fall,
made the
same to be
supposed to
signifi good
lucke.

Religion
taketh away
fantasticall
opinions.

In what cases
a Capitaine
ought not to
faight with
his enemie if
he may other-
wyse choose.

A policie of
Fulvius
wherby he got
and spoyled
his enemies
Campe.
A policie to
disorder the

A policie to
overcome the
enemie.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

shewed the cause of the same, and redused it to a naturall
cause, or they interpreted it to their purpose. Cesar fallyng
in Africa, in comyng of the sea saied, Africa I have taken
thee. Moreover manie have declared the cause of the ob-
scuryng of the Moone, and of earthquakes : which thing in
our time cannot happen, as well because our men be not so
supersticious, as also for that our religion taketh away
altogether such opinions : al be it when they should chaunse,
the orders of the antiquitie ought to be imitated. When
either famishement, or other naturall necessities, or humaine
passion, hath broughte thy enemie to an utter desperation,
and he driven of the same, cometh to faight with thee, thou
oughtest to stande within thy campe, and as muche as lieth
in thy power, to flie the faight. So the Lacedemonians did
against the Masonians, so Cesar did against Afranio, and
Petreio. Fulvius beyng Consul, against the Cimbrians,
made his horsemen manie daies continually to assaulte the
enemies, and considered how thei issued out of their campe
for to folow them : wherfore he sette an ambusshe behinde
the Campe of the Cimbrians, and made them to be assaulted
of his horsmen, and the Cimbrians issuyng oute of their
campe for to follow them. Fulvio gotte it, and sacked it.
It hath ben of great utilitie to a Capitaine, havyng his
armie nere to the enemies armie, to sende his menne with
the enemies ansignes to robbe,and to burne his owne countrey,
whereby the enemies beleevynge those to bee menne, whiche
are come in their aide, have also runne to helpe to make
them the pray : and for this disorderyng them selves, hathe
therby given oportunitie to the adversary to overcome
them. This waie Alexander of Epirus used againste the
Illirans and Leptenus of Siracusa against the Carthaginers
and bothe to the one and to the other, the devise came to
passe most happely. Manie have overcome the enemie,
gevyng him occasion to eate and to drinke oute of measure,
fayning to have feared, and leaving their Campes full of
wyne and herdes of cattell, wherof the enemie beyng filled
above all naturall use, have then assaulted him, and with
his destruction overthrowen him. So Tamirus did against
198

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

Cirus, and Tiberius Graccus agaynst the Spaniardes. Some THE
have povsoned the wine, and other thynges to feede on, for SIXTHE
to be able more easely to overcome them. I saied a littel BOOKE
afore how I founde not, that the antiquetie kepte in the A policie.
night Scoutes abroade, and supposed that they did it for to
avoide the hurte, whiche might growe therby : because it is
founde, that through no other meane then throughe the
watche man, whiche was set in the daie to watche the
enemie, hath been cause of the ruin of him, that set him
there : for that manie times it hath hapned, that he beyng
taken, hath been made perforce to tell theim the token,
whereby they might call his felowes, who commyng to the
token, have been slaine or taken. It helpeth to beguile the How to
enemie sometime to varie a custome of thine, whereupon he beguile tin-
having grounded him self, remaineth ruinated : as a Capi- (
taine did once, whome usinge to cause to be made signes
to his men for comynge of the enemies in the night with
fire, and in the daie with smoke, commaunded that withoute
anie intermission, they shoulde make smoke and fire, and
after commynge upon them the enemie, they should reste,
whome beleevyng to come without beynge seen, perceivyng
no signe to be made of beyng discovered, caused (through
goeyng disordered) more easie the victorie to his adversarie. HoweMenno-
Mennonus a Rodian mindynge to drawc from stronge places I1US *rainj
the enemies armie, sente one under colour of a fugitive, the J^^f™'
whiche affirmed, howe his armie was in discorde, and that stron^e places
the greater parte of them wente awaie : and for to make the to l»ee the
thynge to be credited, he caused to make in sporte, certaine better aide
tumultes amonge the lodgynges : whereby the enemie ^t")jen
thynkyng thereby to be able to discomfaighte them, as-
saultynge tlieim, were overthrowen.

Besides thesaied thynges, regarde ought to be had not The enemie
to brynge the enemie into extreme desperacion : whereunto <>«irht not to
Cesar had regarde, faightyng with the Duchemen, who ^Jj™"?^
opened them the waie, seyng, howe thei beyng not able to (iesj)eracjon.
flic, necessitie made them strong, and would rather take paint*
to followe theim, when thei fled, then the perill to overcome
them, when thei defended them selves.

199

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE Lucullus seyng, how certaine Macedonian horsemenne,

SIXTHE whiche were with hym, went to the enemies parte, straight

BOOKE waie made to soumle to battaile, and commaunded, that the

How Lucullus other men should folowe hym : whereby the enemies beleving,

constrained that Lucullus would begin the faight, went to incounter the

certaine men same Macedonians, with soche violence, that thei were con-

from him to strained to defende themselves : and so thei became against

his enemies, their willes, of fugetives, faighters. It importeth also to

to fayght knowe, how to be assured of a toune, when thou doubteste

whether they of tne fjdelitie thereof, so sone as thou haste wonne the

fielde, or before, the whiche certain old insamples maie

teache thee.

A policie Pompei doubtyng of the Catinensians, praied them that

wher by thei would bee contente, to receive certaine sicke menne,

Pompey got that }ie ha,cl in his armie, and sendyng under the habite of
a towue. Tj.ii T-» i v

sicke persones, most lustie menne, gotte the tonne, rublms

How Publius Valerius, fearyng the fidelitie of the Epidannians, caused to
Valerius come, as who saieth, a Pardon to a churche without the

self ofdahim toune, and when al the people wer gone for Pardon, he
towne. shutte the gates, receivyng after none in, but those whom

A policie that he trusted. Alexander Magnus, mindyng to goe into Asia,
Alexander an(J to assure himself of Thracia, toke with him all the

Magnus used prjlicjpan of thesame Province, givynff theim provision, and

to be assured , fe £ ,£, . f \

ofallTracia ne se^ over the common people or Inracia, men ot lowe

which Philip' degree, and so he made the Princes contented with paiyng

kynge of theim, and the people quiete, havyng no heddes that should

Spaine did disquiete them : But emong all the thynges, with the whiche

asuredofEno-- tne Capitaines, winne the hartes of the people, be the

land when he insamples of chastitie and justice, as was thesame of Scipio

wentetosainct in Spaine, when he rendered that yong woman, moste faire of

Quintens. personage to her father, and to her housebande : the whiche

Examples for made him more, then with force of armes to winne Spain.

Capitaines to Cesar having caused that woodde to bee paied for, whiche

winne the ne na(j OCCUpie(] for to make the Listes, about his armie in

people ° Fraunce, got so moche a name of justice, that he made

easier the conquest of thesame province. I cannot tell

what remaineth me, to speake more upon these accidentes,

for that concerning this matter, there is not lefte anv parte,

200

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

that hath not been of us disputed. Onely there lacketh to THE
tell, of the nianer of winnyng, and defendyng a toune : the SIXTH E
whiche I am readie to doe willingly, if you be not now wearie. BOOKE

BAPTISTE. Your humanitie is so moche, that it niuketh us
to followe our desires, without beyng afraied to be reputed
presumptuous, seyng that you liberally ofi'er thesame,
whiche we should have been ashamed, to have asked you :
Therefore, we saie unto you onely this, that to us you can
not dooe a greater, nor a more gratefuller benefitc, then to
finishe this reasonyng. But before that you passe to that
other matter, declare us a doubte, whether it bee better to
continewe the warre, as well in the Winter, as thei use now
adaies, or to make it onely in the Sommer, and to goe home
in the Winter, as the antiquitie did.

FABRITIO. See, that if the prudence of the demaunder
were not, there had remained behinde a speciall part, that
deserveth consideracion. I answere you ngaine, that the
antiquitie did all thynges better, and with more prudence
then wee : and if wee in other things commit some erroure,
in the affaires of warre, wee commit all errour. There is Warre ou^h
nothing more undiscrete, or more pernllous to a Capitayne, not to be
then to make warre in the Winter, and muche more perrill Jjjjj^n
beareth he, that maketh it, then he that abideth it: the
reason is this. All the industrie that is used in the disci
pline of warre, is used for to bee prepared to fighte a fielde
with thy enemie, because this is the ende, whereunto a
Capitayne oughte to goo or endevour him selfe : For that
the foughten field, geveth thee the warre \\onne or loste :
then he that knoweth best how to order it, and he that hath
his army beste instructed, hath moste advauntage in this,
and maye beste hope to overcome. On the other side, Kmiph situa
there is nothing more enemie to the orders, and then the cioiw, colde
rough situacions, or the colde watery time : for that the J'J,',;," ^^
rough situacions, suffereth thee not to deffende thy bandes. enemies to
according to thee discipline : the coulde and watery times, the order of
suffereth thee not to keepe thy men together, nor thou canst wai r{>-
not bring them in good order to the enemy : but it is con
venient for thee to lodge them a sunder of necessitie, and

CC 201

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE without order, being constrayned to obeye to Castells, to

SIXTHE Boroughes, and to the Villages, that maye receyve thee, in

BOOKE maner that all thy laboure of thee, used to instructe the

army is vaine. Nor marvayle you not though now a daies,

they warre in the Winter, because the armies being without

discipline, know not the hurt that it dooth them, in lodging

not together, for that it is no griefe to them not to be able

to keepe those orders, and to observe that discipline, which

they have not : yet they oughte to see howe much harme,

the Camping in the Winter hath caused, and to remember,

An over- how the Frenchmen in the yeare of cure Lorde God, a

throwe caused thousande five hundred and three, were broken at Gariliano

by winter. o^ ^ ^Vinter, anc[ not of the Spaniardes : For as much as

I have saide, he that assaulteth, hath more disadvauntage

then he that defendeth : because the fowle weather hurteth

him not a littell, being in the dominion of others and

minding to make warre. For that he is constrayned, either

to stande together with his men, and to sustaine the in-

commoditie of water and colde, or to avoide it to devide his

power : But he that defendeth, may chuse the place as he

listeth, and tary him with his freshe men : and he in a

sodayne may set his men in araye, and goo to find a band

of the enemies men, who cannot resiste the violence of them.

So the Frenchemen were discomfited, and so they shall

alwayes be discomfited, which will assaulte in the Winter

an enemye, whoo hath in him prudence. Then he that will

that force, that orders, that discipline and vertue, in anye

condition availe him not, let him make warre in the fielde in

the winter : and because that the Romaines woulde that all

these thinges, in which they bestowed so much diligence,

should availe them, fleedde no otherwise the Winter, then

the highe Alpes, and difficulte places, and whatsoever other

thing shoulde let them, for being able to shewe their arte

and their vertue. So this suffiseth to your demaund,

wherefore we wil come to intreate of the defending

and besieging of tounes, and of their situa-

cions and edifications.

THE SEVENTH BOOKE

OF THE ARTE OF WARKE OF

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL, CITEZEINE

AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,

UNTO

LAURENCE PHILIP STROZZE.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE SEVENTH BOOKE

OU oughte to knowe, how that tounes
and fortresses, maie bee strong either by
nature, or by Industrie; by nature, those
bee strong, whiche bee compassed aboute
with rivers, or with Fennes, as Mantua is
and Ferrara, or whiche bee builded upon
a Rocke, or upon a stepe hille, as Monaco,
and Sanleo: For that those that stande
upon hilles, that be not moche difh'culct to goe up, be now a
daies, consideryng the artillerie and the Caves, moste weake.
And therfore moste often times in building, thei scke now a
daies a plain, for to make it stronge with industrie. The
firste industrie is, to make the walles crooked, and full of
tournynges, and of receiptes : the whiche thyng maketh,
that thenemie cannot come nere to it, bicause he maie be
hurte, not onelv on the front, but by flancke. If the walles
be made high, thei bee to moche subjecte to the blowes of
the artillerie : if thei be made lowe, thei bee moste easie to
scale. If thou makeste the diches on the out side thereof,
for to give difficultie to the Ladders, if it happen that the
enemie rill them up (whiche a great armie maie easely dooe)
the wall remaineth taken of thenemie. Therefore pur-
posyng to provide to the one and thother foresaid incon
veniences, I beleve (savyng alwaies better judgement) that
the walle ought to be made highe, and the Diche within,
and not without. This is the moste strongeste waie of

205

Tounes and
Fortresses
maie be strong

twoo waies.

The place that
now a daies is
moste sought
to fortifie in.

How a Tonne
walle ou<fht
to bee made.

The walle of a
tonne oupht
to bee hijfh,
and the diche
within, and
not without.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE edificacion, that is made, for that it defendeth thee from
SEVENTH the artillerie, and from Ladders, and it giveth not facilitie
BOOKE to the enemie, to fill up the diche : Then the walle ought to
Thethickenes be high, of that heighth as shall bee thought beste, and no
that a Toune lesse thick, then two yardes and a quarter, for to make it
beaeoef0aUrfdhthe more difficult to ruinate. Moreover it ought to have the
distaunces be- toures placed, with distances of Cl. yardes betwen thone
twene everie and thother : the diche within, ought to be at leaste twoo
flaucker, and and twentie yardes and a halfe broad, and nine depe, and
of what aj fae vearth that is digged out, for to make the diche,

breadth and 1,1 j j.i_ /••. j i *

deapth the muste be thro wen towardes the Citee, and kepte up ot a

dich ought walle, that muste be raised from the bottome of the diche,
to bee. and goe so high over the toune, that a man maie bee covered

behinde thesame, the whiche thing shal make the depth of
the diche the greater. In the bottome of the diche, within
every hundred and 1. yardes, there would be a slaughter
house, which with the ordinaunce, maie hurte whom so
How the ever should goe doune into thesame : the greate artillerie

ordinaunce is that defende the citee, are planted behinde the walle, that
planted, for snutteth the diche, bicause for to defende the utter walle,
being high, there cannot bee occupied commodiously, other

then smalle or meane peeses. If the enemie come to scale,
the heigth of the firste walle moste easely defendeth thee:
if he come with ordinaunce, it is convenient for hym to
batter the utter walle: but it beyng battered, for that the
The nature of nature of the batterie is, to make the walle to fall, towardes
the batterie. the parte battered, the ruine of the walle commeth, finding
no diche that receiveth and hideth it, to redouble the pro-
funditie of thesame diche : after soche sorte, that to passe
any further, it is not possible, findyng a ruine that with
holdeth thee, a diche that letteth thee, and the enemies
ordinaunce, that from the walle of the diche, moste safely
killeth thee. Onely there is this remedie, to fill the diche : the
whiche is moste difficulte to dooe, as well bicause the capacitie
thereof is greate, as also for the diflficultie, that is in com-
myng nere it, the walle beeyng strong and concaved, betwene
the whiche, by the reasons aforesaied, with difficultie maie
be entered, havyng after to goe up a breache through a
206

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

ruin, whiche giveth thee moste Create difficultie, so that I THE
suppose a citee thus builded, to be altogether invinsible. SEVENTH

BAPTISTK. When there should bee made besides the diche BOOKE
within, a diche also without, should it not bee stronger ?

FABRICIO. It should be without doubt, but mindyng to
make one diche onely, myne opinion is, that it standeth
better within then without.

BAITISTE. Would you, that water should bee in the diches,
or would you have them drie ?

FABKICIO. The opinion of men herein bee divers, bicause
the diches full of water, saveth thee from mines under
grounde, the Diches without water, maketh more difficulte
the fillyng of them : but I havyng considered all, would A drie diche
make them without water, for that thei bee more sure : For is moste
diches with water, have been seen in the Winter to bee surestc-
frosen, and to make easie the winnyng of a citee, as it hap
pened to Mirandola, when Pope Julie besieged it : and for
to save me from mines, I would make it so deepe, that he
that would digge lower, should finde water.

The Fortresses also, I would builde concernyng the diches
and the walles in like manor, to the intent thei should
have the like difficultie to be wonne. One thyng I will An advertise-
earnestly advise hvm, that defendeth a Citee: and that is, mente for the
that he* make no Bulwarkes without distaunte from the huildyntfand
walle of thesame: and an other to hym that buildeth the aTouneSr
Fortresse, and this is, that he make not any refuge place in l-'ortresse.
them, in whiche he that is within, the firste walle beyng
loste, male retire : That whiche maketh me to give the firste
counsaile is, that no manne ought to make any thyng, by
meane wherof, he maie be driven without reined ie to lese
his firste reputacion, the whiche losyng, causeth to be
estemed lesse his other doinges, and maketh afraied them,
whom have taken upon theim his defence, and alwaies it
shall chaunce him this, whiche I saie, when there are made
Bulwarkes out of the Tonne, that is to bee defended, Small for-
bicause alwaies he shall leese theim, little thynges now a tresses cannot
daies, beyng not able to bee defended, when thei be subject bee defended-
to the furie of ordinance, in soche wise that lesyng them,

207

THE

SEVENTH
BOOKE

A toune of
war or For-

tresse, ought

tiring places,

Cesar Borgia,

The causes of
the losse of

rr
ofFurlie.tha

was thought
invincible.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

thei be beginning and cause of his ruine. When Genua
rebelled againste king Leus of Fraunce, it made certaine
Bulwarkes alofte on those hilles, whiche bee about it, the
whiche so sone as thei were loste. whiche was sodainly,
made also the citee to be loste. Concernyng the second
counsaile, I affirme nothyng to be to a Fortresse more
perjiOUS) then to be in thesame refuge places, to be able to
retire : Bicause the hope that menne have thereby, maketh

i i • • 111

that thei leese the utter warde, when it is assaulted : and
that loste, maketh to bee loste after, all the Fortresse. For
insample there is freshe in remembraunce, the losse of the
Fortresse of Furly, when Catherin the Countesse defended
it againste Cesar Borgia, sonne to Pope Alexander the vi.
who had conducted thether the armie of the king of
Fraunce : thesame Fortresse, was al full of places, to retire
out of one into an other : for that there was firste the kepe,
from the same to the Fortresse, was a diche after soche
sorte, that thei passed over it by a draw bridge : the for-
tresse was devided into three partes, and every parte was
devided from the other with diches, and with water, and by
Bridges, thei passed from the one place to the other : where
fore the Duke battered with his artillerie, one of the partes
of the fortresse, and opened part of the walle : For whiche
cause Maister Jhon Casale, whiche was appoincted to that
Warde, thought not good to defende that breache, but
abandoned it for to retire hymself into the other places : so
that the Dukes men having entered into that parte with
out incounter, in a sodaine thei gotte it all : For that the
Dukes menne became lordes of the bridges, whiche went
from one place to an other. Thei loste then this Fortresse,
whiche was thought invinsible, through two defaultes, the

one for havyng so many retiryng places, the other, bicause

.. J & , . T i r \ i_ -j \-i r

every retiryng place, was not Lorde of the bridge thereof.

Therefore, the naughtie builded Fortresse, and the little
wisedome of them that defended it, caused shame to the
noble enterprise of the countesse, whoe had thought to have
abidden an armie, whiche neither the kyng of Naples, nor
the Duke of Milaine would have abidden : and although

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

his inforcementes had no good ende, yet notwithstandyng ,,,

he gotte that honoure, whiche his valiauntnesse had de- SEVENTH

served : The whiche was testified of many Epigrammes, BOOKE

made in those daies in his praise. Therefore, if I should

have to builde a Fortres.se, I would make the walles strong,

and the diches in the maner as we have reasoned, nor I

would not make therein other, then houses to inhabite, and Howe the

those I would make weake and lowe, after soche sorte that houses that

thei should not let him that should standein the middest of JJV£a0*ul

the Market place, the sight of all the walle, to the intente Fortresse

that the Capitain might see with the iye, where he maie ou^ht to he

succour : and that every manne should understande, that builded.

the walle and the diche beyng lost, the fortresse were

lost. And yet when I should make any retiryng places, I

would make the bridges devided in soche wise, that every

parte should be Lorde of the bridges of his side, ordainyng,

that thei should fall upon postes, in the middest of the

diche.

BAFHSTE. You have saied that littel thynges now a daies
can not bee defended, and it seemed unto me to have under-
stoode the contrarie, that the lesser that a thyng wer, the
better it might be defended.

FABIUTIO. You have not understoode well, because that
place cannot be now a daies called stronge, wher he that
defendeth it, hath not space to retire with new diches, and
with new fortificacions, for that the force of the ordinance
is so much, that he that trusteth uppon the warde of one
wall and of one fortification only, is deceived : and because
the Bulwarkes (mindyng that they passe not their ordinarie
measure, for that then they shoulde be townes and Cast els)
be not made, in suche wise that men maie have space within
them to retire, thei are loste straight waie. Therefore it is
wisdom to let alone those Bulwarkes without, and to Thefortifiyng
fortifie thenterance of the toune, and to kever the gates of ^ancVof a
the same with turnyngs after suche sort, that men cannot 'poune<
goe in nor oute of the gate by right line: and from the
tournynges to the gate, to make a diche with a bridge.
Also they fortifie the gate, with a Percullis, for to bee aboil

DD 209

THE

SEVENTH
BOOKE

Battelments
ought to be
large and
thicke and
the flanckers
large within.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

to put therin their menne, when they be issued out to
faight, and hapnyng that the enemies pursue them, to
avoide, that in the mingelynge together, they enter not in
with them : and therfore these be used, the which the
antiquitie called Cattarratte, the whiche beyng let fall,
exclude thenemies, and save the freendes, for that in suche
a case, men can do no good neither by bridges nor by a
gate, the one and the other beynge ocupied with prease of
menne.

BAPTISTE. I have seene these Perculleses that you speake
of, made in Almayne of littell quarters of woodde after the
facion of a grate of Iron, and these percullises of ouers, be
made of plankes all massive : I woulde desire to understande
whereof groweth this difference, and which be the strongest.

FABRTCIO. I tell you agayne, that the manners and orders
of the warre, throughe oute all the worlde, in respecte to
those of the antiquitie, be extinguesshed, and in Italye
they bee altogether loste, for if there bee a thing somewhat
stronger then the ordinarye, it groweth of the insample of
other countries. You mighte have understoode and these
other may remember, with howe muche debilitie before,
that king Charles of Fraunce in the yere of our salvation a
thousande CCCC. xciiii. had passed into Italic, they made
the batelmentes not halfe a yarde thicke, the loopes, and
the flanckers were made with a litle opening without, and
muche within, and with manye other faultes whiche not to
be tedious I will let passe : for that easely from thinne
battelments the defence is taken awaye, the flanckers
builded in the same maner, moste easylye are opened :
Nowe of the Frenchemen is learned to make the battel-
ment large and thicke, and the flanckers to bee large on
the parte within, and to drawe together in the middeste
of the wall, and then agayn to waxe wider unto the utter
most parte without : this maketh that the ordinaunce
hardlye can take away the defence. Therfore the Frenche
men have, manye other devises like these, the whiche be
cause they have not beene seene of our men, they have
not beene considered. Among whiche, is this kinde of

210

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

pcrculles made like unto a grate, the which is a greate deale THE
better then cures : for that if you have for defence of a SEVENTH
gate a massive parculles as oures, letting it fall, you shutte BOOKE
in your menne, and you can not though the same hurte the
enemie, so that hee with axes, and with fire, maye breake it
downe safely : but if it bee made like a grate, you maye, it
being let downe, through those holes and through those
open places, defende it with Pikes, with crosbowes, and with
all other kinde of weapons.

BAITISTK. I have seene in Italye an other use after the
outelandishe fashion, and this is, to make the carriage of
the artillery with the spokes of the wheele crooked towardes
the Axeltree. I woulde knowe why they make them so :
seeming unto mee that they bee stronger when they are
made straighte as those of oure wheeles.

FABRITIO. Never beleeve that the thinges that differ from
the ordinarie wayes, be made by chaunce : and if you shoulde
beleeve that they make them so, to shewe fayrer, you are
deceaved : because where strength is necessarie, there is
made no counte of fayrenesse : but all groweth, for that
they be muche surer and muche stronger then ours. The
reason is this : the carte when it is laden, either goeth even,
or leaning upon the righte, or upon the lefte side : when it
goeth even, the wheeles equally sustayne the wayght, the
which being equallye devided betweene them, doth not
burden much, but leaning, it commeth to have all the
paise of the cariage on the backe of that wheele upon the
which it leaneth. If the spokes of the same be straight
they wil soone breake : for that the wheele leaning, the
spokes come also to leane, and not to sustaine the paise by
trie straightnesse of them, and so when the carte goeth even,
and when they are least burdened, they come to bee
strongest : when the Carte goeth awrye, and that they
come to have moste paise, they bee weakest. Even the
contrarie happeneth to the crooked spokes of the Frenche
Cartes, for that when the carte leaning upon one side
poincteth uppon them, because they bee ordinary crooked,
they come then to bee straight, and to be able to sustayne

211

THE

SEVENTH
BOOKE

Neither the
ditche, wall
tillage, nor
any kinde of
edificacion,
ou^ht to be
within a mile
of a toune of
warre.

Noote.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

strongly al the payse, where when the carte goeth even,
and that they bee crooked, they sustayne it halfe : but let
us tourne to our citie and Fortresse. The Frenchemen use
also for more safegarde of the gates of their townes, and
for to bee able in sieges more easylye to convey and set oute
men of them, besides the sayde thinges, an other devise, of
which I have not scene yet in Italye anye insample : and
this is, where they rayse on the oute side from the ende of
the drawe bridge twoo postes, and upon either of them they
joigne a beame, in suche wise that the one halfe of them
comes over the bridge, the other halfe with oute : then all
the same parte that commeth withoute, they joy gne together
with small quarters of woodde, the whiche they set thicke
from one beame to an other like unto a grate, and on the
parte within, they fasten to the ende of either of the beames
a chaine : then when they will shutte the bridge on the
oute side, they slacke the chaines, and let downe all the
same parte like unto a grate, the whiche comming downe,
shuttethe the bridge, and when they will open it, they
drawe the chaines, and the same commeth to rise up,
and they maye raise it up so much that a man may passe
under it, and not a horse, and so much that there maye
passe horse and man, and shutte it againe at ones, for that
it falleth and riseth as a window of a battelment. This
devise is more sure than the Parculles, because hardely it
maye be of the enemye lette in such wise, that it fall not
downe, falling not by a righte line as the Parculles, which
easely may be underpropped. Therfore they which will
make a citie oughte to cause to be ordained all the saide
things : and moreover aboute the walle, there woulde not
bee suffered any grounde to be -tilled, within a myle thereof,
nor any wall made, but shoulde be all champaine, where
should be neither ditch nor banck, neither tree nor house,
which might let the fighte, and make defence for the enemie
that incampeth.

And noote, that a Towne, whiche hathe the ditches with
oute, with the banckes higher then the grounde, is moste
weake : for as muche as they make defence to the enemye,

212

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

which assaulteth thee, and letteth him not hurte thee, THE
because easely they may be opened, and geve place to his SEVENTH
artillerye : but let us passe into the Towne. I will not BOOKE
loose so muche time in shewing you howe that besides the
foresayde thinges, it is requisite to have provision of
victuallers, and wherewith to tight, for that they be thinges
that everye man underdeth, and without them, all other
provision is vaine : and generally twoo thinges oughte to
be done, to provide and to take the commoditie from the The provision
enemie that he availe not by the things of thy countrey : t}iat is meeto
therfore the straw, the beastes, the graine, whiche thou to be made for
' .ij-i 11 the defence of

canste not receive into house, ought to be destroied. Also a t()une

he that defendeth a Towne, oughte to provide that nothing
bee done tumultuouslye and disordinatelye, and to take
suche order, that in all accidentes everye man maye knowe
what he hath to doo.

The order that oughte to be taken is thus, that the
women, the olde folkes, the children, and the impotent, be
made to keepe within doores, that the Towne maye be left
free, to yong and lustie men, whom being armed, must be
destributed for the defence of the same, appointing part of
them to the wall, parte to the gates, parte to the principal 1
places of the Citie, for to remedie those inconveniences,
that might growe within : an other parte must not be
bound to any place, but be ready to succour all, neede
requiring: and the thing beeing ordained thus, with ditfi-
cultie tumulte can growe, whiche maye disorder thee. Also
I will that you note this, in the besieging and defending of
a Citie, that nothing geveth so muche hoope to the adversarye
to be able to winne a towne, as when he knoweth that the „,, .
same is not accustomed to see the enemie : for that many coragethe the
times for feare onely without other experience of force, enemy most
cities have bene loste : Therefore a man oughte, when he thatbesiegeth
assaulteth a like Citie, to make all his ostentacions terrible. a toune-
On the other parte he that is assaulted, oughte to appoincte ^ lmt lie tlint
to the same parte, whiche the enemie fighteth againste, R|Jdl!?e that
strong men and suche as opinion makethe not afrnide, but defeudeth
weapons onely: for that if the first proofe turne vaine, it oughte to doo.

21 3

THE

SEVENTH
BOOKE

Advertise-
mentes for a
besieged
towne.

Howe the
Romaines
vitaled Casa
lino besieged
of Aniball.

A policie for
the besieged.

A policie of
Fabius in
besieging of
a toune.

A policie of
Dionisius in
besiegynge of
a toune.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

increaseth boldenesse to the besieged, and then the enemie is
constrained to overcome them within, with vertue and repu-
tacion. The instrumentes wherwith the antiquitie defended
townes, where manie : as balistes, onagris, scorpions, Arcu-
balistes, Fustibals, Slinges : and also those were manie with
which thei gave assaultes. As Arrieti, Towers, Musculi,
Plutei, Viney, Falci, testudeni, in steede of which thynges
be now a daies the ordinance, the whiche serve him that bes-
segeth, and him that defendeth : and therfore I will speake
no forther of theim : But let us retourne to our reasonyng,
and let us come to particular offences. They ought to
have care not to be taken by famine, and not to be over
come through assaultes : concernyng famin, it hath ben
tolde, that it is requiset before the siege come, to be well
provided of vitualles. But when a towne throughe longe
sige, lacketh victuals, some times hath ben seen used cer-
taine extraordinarie waies to be provided of their friendes,
whome woulde save them : inespeciall if through the mid-
dest of the besieged Citie there runne a river, as the
Romaines vittelled their castell called Casalino besieged
of Anibal, whom being not able by the river to sende them
other victual then Nuttes, wherof castyng in the same
great quantitie, the which carried of the river, without
beyng abel to be letted, fedde longe time the Casalinians.
Some besieged, for to shew unto the enemie, that they have
graine more then inough and for to make him to dispaire,
that he cannot, by famin overcome theim, have caste
breade oute of the gates, or geven a Bullocke graine to
eate, and after have suffered the same to be taken, to the
intent that kilde and founde full of graine, might shewe
that aboimdance, whiche they had not. On the other parte
excellent Capitaines have used sundrie waies to werie the
enemie.

Fabius suffered them whome he besieged, to sowe their
fieldes, to the entente that thei should lacke the same corne,
whiche they sowed.

Dionisius beynge in Campe at Regio, fained to minde to
make an agreement with them, and duryng the practise

214

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

therof, he caused him selfe to be provided of their victuales, THE
and then when he had by this mean got from them their SEVENTH
graine, he kepte them straight and famished them. BOOKE

Alexander Magnus mindyng to winne Leucadia overcame Howe Alex-
all the Castels aboute it, and by that means drivyng into a»der wanne
the same citie a great multitude of their owne countrie men, Leucadia-
famished them.

Concernynge the assaultes, there hath been tolde that The besieged
chiefely thei ought to beware of the firste bronte, with ought to take
whiche the Romaines gotte often times manic townes, J?eed of the
assaultyng them sodainly, and on every side: and thei called
it, Aggredi urbcm corona. As Scipio did, when lie wanne
newe Carthage in Hispayne : the which brunte if of a towne
it be withstoode, with difficultie after will bee overcome:
and yet thoughe it should happen that the enemie were
entred into the citie, by overcomynge the wall, yet the
townes men have some remedie, so thei forsake it not : for
as much as manie armies through entring into a toune,
have ben repulccd or slaine : the remedie is, that the The remedie
townes men doe keepe them selves in highe places, and that townes
from the houses, and from the towers to faight with them : "V'" lir{ve>
the whiche thynge, they that have entered into the citie, enemies ar
have devised to overcome in twoo manners : the one with entrcd into
openyng the gates of the citie, and to make the waie for the the towne.
townes men, that thei might safely flic: the other with How to make
sendvnge foorthc a proclamacion, that signifieth, tlmt none the townes
shall be hurte but the armed, and to them that caste their meil yeelde<
weapons on the grounde, pardon shall be graunted : the
whiche thynge hath made easie the victorie of manie cities.

Besides this, the Citees are easie to bee wonne, if thou How townes
come upon them unawares : whiche is dooen beyng with or ('itit>s arfi
thy armie farre of, after soche sort, that it be not beloved, ea8el'ewon»e-
either that thou wilte assaulte theim, or that thou canst
dooe it, without commyng openlv, bicause of the distance
of the place : wherefore, if thou secrotely and spedely assaulte
theim, almoste alwaies it shall follow?, that thou shalte
gette the victorie. I reason unwillingly of the thynges
succeded in our tyme, for that to me and to mine, it

215

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE should be a burthen, and to reason of other, I cannot tel

SEVENTH what to saie : notwithstandyng, I cannot to this purpose

BOOKE but declare, the insample of Cesar Borgia, called duke

How duke Valentine, who beyng at Nocera with his menne, under

Valentine got colour of goyng to besiege Camerino, tourned towardes

'

the state of Urbin> and g°tte a state in a daie> and with'
out any paine, the whiche an other with moche time and

The besieged cost, should scante have gotten. It is conveniente also to

ought to take those, that be besieged, to take heede of the deceiptes, and

heedeofthe Qf ^Q pOlicjes of the enemie, and therefore the besieged,

policie^crf the ougnt not to truste to any thyng, whiche thei see the

enemie. enemie dooe continually, but let theim beleve alwaies, that

it is under deceipte, and that he can to their hurte varie it.

How Domitio Domitio Calvino besiegyng a toune, used for a custome to

Calvino wan a compasse aboute every daie, with a good parte of his

menne, the wall of the same : whereby the Tounes menne,

belevyng that he did it for exercise, slacked the Ward :

whereof Domicius beyng aware, assaulted and overcame

them.

A policie to Certaine Capitaines understandyng, that there should
get a towne. come aide to the besieged, have apareled their Souldiours,
under the Ansigne of those, that should come, and beyng
let in, have gotte the Toune.

How Simon of Simon of Athens set fire in a night on a Temple, whiche
Athens wan a was out of the toune, wherefore, the tounes menne goyng
towne. to succour it, lefte the toune in praie to the enemie. Some

A policie to have slaine those, whiche from the besieged Castle, have
get a towne. gone a foragyng, and have appareled their souldiours, with
the apparell of the forragers, whom after have gotte the
toune. The aunciente Capitaines, have also used divers
waies, to destroie the Garison of the Toune, whiche thei
How Scipio have sought to take. Scipio beyng in Africa, and desiring
gotte certaine to gette certaine Castles, in whiche were putte the Garrisons
°^ Carthage, he made many tymes, as though he would
assaulte theim, albeit, he fained after, not onely to abstaine,
but to goe awaie from them for feare : the whiche Aniball
belevyng to bee true, for to pursue hym with greater force,
and for to bee able more easely to oppresse him, drewe out
216

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

all the garrisons of theim : The whiche Scipio knowing, THE
sente Massinissa his Capitaine to overcome them. SEVENTH

Firms makyng warre in Sclavonic, to the chiefe citee of HOOKE
the same countrie, where were brought many menne in Howe Pirrus
Garrison, fained to dispaire to bee able to winne it, and ^anthechiefe
tourning to other places, made that the same for to sue- J
cour them, emptied it self of the warde, and became easie to
bee wonne. Many have corrupted the water, and have A pnlicie to
tourned the rivers an other waie to take Tounes. Also the £et atowm-.
besieged, are easely made to yelde them selves, makyng How the be-
theim afraied, with signifiyng unto them a victorie gotten, S1^f<l are
or with new aides, whiche come in their disfavour. The old n
Capitaines have sought to gette Tounes by treason, corrupt-
yng some within, but thei have used divers meanes. Sum
have sente a manne of theirs, whiche under the name of Howe to pet
a t'ugetive, might take aucthoritie and truste with the a towne by
enemies, who after have used it to their profite. Some by treason-
this meanes, have understode the nianer of the watche, and
by meanes of thesame knowledge, have taken the Toune.
Some with a Carte, or with Beames under some colour, have
letted the gate, that it could not bee shutte, and with this
waie, made the entrie easie to the enemie. Aniball per- A policie of
swaded one, to give him a castle of the Romanies, and that Ani >all for

i i f • . i ii_ • i j. i the betraiyng

he should fain to go a huntyng in the night, makyng as 0faCa8tell.

though he could not goe by daie, for feare of the enemies,

and tournyng after with the Venison, should put in with

hym certaine of his menne, and so killyng the watchmen,

should give hvm the gate. Also the besieged are beguiled, How the

with drawyng them out of the Tonne, and goyng awaie besieged maie

from them, faining to flie when thei assault thee. And b

many (emong whom was Anibal) have for no other intente,

let their Campe to be taken, but to have occasion to get be-

twcne theim and home, and to take their Toune. Also, "°w Formion

. ., , . , „ . i /• ,i overcame the

thei are beguiled with fainyng to departe from them, us r.li(.jl|t.llsjaI18>

Formion of Athens did, who havyng spoiled the countrie of
the Caleidensians, received after their ambassadours, fillyng
their Citee with faire promises, and hope of safetie, under
the which as simple menne, thei were a little after of For-
EE 217

THE

SEVENTH
BOOKE

What the be
sieged muste
take heede of.

Liberalitie
maketh
enemies
frendes.

The diligence
that the
besieged
ought to use
in their
watche and
ward.

An order of
Alcibiades
for the dew
keping of
watch and
warde.

THE AllTE OF WARRE

mione oppressed. The besieged ought to beware of the
men, whiche thei have in suspecte emong them : but some
times thei are wont, as well to assure them selves with
deserte, as with punishemente. Marcellus knoweyng how
Lucius Bancius a Nolane, was tourned to favour Aniball, so
moche humanitie and liberalitie, he used towardes him, that
of an enemie, he made him moste frendely. The besieged
ought to use more diligence in the warde, when the enemie
is gone from theim, then when he is at hande. And thei
ought to warde those places, whiche thei thinke, that maie
bee hurt least : for that many tounes have been loste, when
thenemie assaulteth it on thesame part, where thei beleve
not possible to be assaulted. And this deceipt groweth of
twoo causes, either for the place being strong, and to
beleve, that it is invinsible, or through craft beyng used of
the enemie, in assaltyng theim on one side with fained
laroms, and on the other without noise, and with verie
assaltes in deede : and therefore the besieged, ought to have
greate advertisment, and above all thynges at all times,
and in especially in the night to make good watche to bee
kepte on the walles, and not onely to appoincte menne, but
Dogges, and soche fiearse Mastives, and lively, the whiche
by their sente maie descrie the enemie, and with barkyng
discover him : and not Dogges onely, but Geese have ben
seen to have saved a citee, as it happened to Roome, when
the Frenchemen besieged the Capitoll.

Alcibiades for to see, whether the warde watched, Athense
beeyng besieged of the Spartaines, ordained that when in
the night, he should lifte up a light, all the ward should
lift up likewise, constitutyng punishmente to hym that
observed it not.

Isicrates of Athens killed a watchman, which slept, saiyng,
that he lefte him as he found him. Those that have been
besieged, have used divers meanes, to sende advise to their
frendes : and mindyng not to send their message by mouth,
thei have written letters in Cifers, and hidden them in
sundrie wise : the Cifers be according, as plcaseth him that
ordaineth them, the maner of hidyng them is divers. Some

218

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

have written within the scaberde of a sweard : Other have THE
put the Letters in an unbaked lofe, and alter have baked SEVENTH
the same, and given it for meate to hym that caried theini. BOOKE
Certaine have hidden them, in the secreteste place of their The secrete
bodies: other have hidden them in the collor of a Dogge, conveighyng
that is familiare with hym, wliiche carrieth theini: Some ofLetters-
have written in a letter ordinarie thinges. and after betwene
thone line and thother, have also written with water, that
wetyng it or warning it after, the letters should appere.
This waie hath been moste politikely observed in our time :
where some myndyng to signifie to their freendes inhabityng
within a towne, thinges to be kept secret, and mindynge not
to truste any person, have sente common matters written,
accord vng to the common use and enterlined it, as I have
saied above, and the same have made to be hanged on the
gates of the Temples, the wliiche by countersignes beyng
knowen of those, unto whome they have been sente, were
taken of and redde : the whiche way is moste politique,
bicause he that carrieth them maie bee beguiled, and there
shall happen hym no perill. There be moste infinite other
waies, whiche every manne maie by himself rede and h'nde :
but with more facilitie, the besieged maie bee written unto,
then the besieged to their frendes without, for that soche
letters cannot be sent, but by one, under colour of a fuge-
tive, that commeth out of a toune : the whiche is a daun-
gerous and perilous thing, when thenemie is any whit
craftie : But those that sende in, he that is sente, maie under
many colours, goe into the Campe that besiegeth, and from
thens takyng conveniente occasion, maie leape into the
toune : but lette us come to speake of the present winnyng
of tounes. I saie that if it happen, that thou bee besieged
in thy citee, whiche is not ordained with diches within, as a
little before we shewed, to my rule that thenemie shall not
enter through the breach of the walle, whiche the artillerie
maketh : bicause there is no remedie to lette thesame from
makyng of a breache, it is therefore necessarie for thee, The defence
whileste the ordinance battereth, to caste a diche within gainst a
the wall which is battered, and that it be in bredth at It-astc l

219

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE twoo and twcntie yardes and a halfe, and to throwe all the-
SEVENTH same that is digged towardes the toun, whiche maie make a
BOOKE banke, and the diche more deper : and it is convenient for
thee, to sollicitate this worke in soche wise, that when the
walle falleth, the Diche maie be digged at least, fower or
five yardes in depth : the whiche diche is necessarie, while it
is a digging, to shutte it on every side with a slaughter
house : and when the wall is so strong, that it giveth thee
time to make the diche, and the slaughter houses, that bat
tered parte, commeth to be moche stronger, then the rest
of the citee : for that soche fortificacion, cometh to have
the forme, of the diches which we devised within : but
when the walle is weake, and that it giveth thee not tyme,
to make like fortificacions, then strengthe and valiauntnesse
muste bee shewed, settyng againste the enemies armed
menne, with all thy force. This maner of fortificacion was
observed of the Pisans, when you besieged theim, and thei
might doe it, bicause thei had strong walles, whiche gave
them time, the yearth beyng softe and moste meete to raise
up banckes, and to make fortificacions: where if thei had
lacked this commoditie, thei should have loste the toune.
Therefore it shall bee alwaies prudently doen, to provide
afore hand, makyng diches within the citee, and through
out all the circuite thereof, as a little before wee devised :
for that in this case, the enemie maie safely be taried for
at laisure, the fortificacions beyng redy made. The an-
How the tiquitie many tymes gotte tounes, with muinyng under

antiquitie got ground in twoo maners, either thei made a waie under
muirfing grounde secretely, whiche risse in the toune, and by thesame

under entered, in whiche maner the Romaines toke the citee of

grounde. Veienti, or with the muinyng, thei overthrewe a walle, and

made it ruinate : this laste waie is now a daies moste stronge,
and maketh, that the citees placed high, be most weake,
bicause thei maie better bee under muined : and puttyng
after in a Cave of this Gunne pouder, whiche in a momente
kindelyng, not onely ruinateth a wall, but it openeth the
hilles, and utterly dissolveth the strength of them.

The remedie for this, is to builde in the plain, and to
220

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

make the cliche that compasseth thy citee, so deepe, that THE
the enemie maie not digge lower then thesame, where he SEVENTH
shall not Hnde water, whiche onely is enemie to the caves: ROOKE
for if thou be in a toune, which thou dcfendcst on a high The reamedic
ground, thou canst not remedie it otherwise, then to make "gainst Caves
within thy walles many deepe Welles, the whiche be as or umler-
drouners to thesame Caves, that the enemie is able to "'
ordain against thee. An other remedie there is, to make a
cave againste it, when thou shouldeste bee aware where he
muineth, the whiche waie easely hindereth hym, but diffi-
cultly it is foreseen, beyng besieged of a craftie enemie.
He that is besieged, ought above al thinges to have care, what rare
not to bee oppressed in the tyme of reste : as is after a the besieged
battaile fought, after the watche made, whiche is in the ought to have.
Mornyng at breake of daie, and in the Evenyng betwen
daie and night, and above al, at meale times : in whiche
tyme many tounes have been wonne, and armies have been
of them within ruinated : therefore it is requisite with
diligence on all partes, to stande alwaies garded, and in a
good part armed. I will not lacke to tell you, how that, What maketh
whiche maketh a citee or a campe difficult to be defended, ;i (-itce or
is to be driven to kepe sundred all the force, that thou haste cai"I)C (1jffi
in theim, for that the enemie beyng able to assaulte thee at defended.
his pleasure altogether, it is conveniente for thee on every
side, to garde every place, and so he assaulteth thee with all
his force, and thou with parte of thine defendest thee.
Also, the besieged maie bee overcome altogether, he with
out cannot bee, but repulced : wherefore many, whom have
been besieged, either in a Campe, or in a Toune, although
thei have been inferiour of power, have issued out with
their men at a sodaine, and have overcome the enemie.
This Marcellus of Nola did : this did Cesar in Fraunce,
where his Campe beeyng assaulted of a mostc great nomber
of Frenchmen, and seeyng hymself not able to defende it,
beyng constrained to devide his force into many partes,
and not to bee able standyng within the Listes, with
violence to renulce thenemie : he opened the campe on
thone side, and turning towardes thesame parte with all his

221

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE power, made so moche violence against them, and with so

SEVENTH moche valiantnes, that he vanquisshed and overcame them.

BOOKE The constancie also of the besieged, causeth many tymes

By what displeasure, and maketh afraied them that doe besiege.

meanes thei Pompei beyng against Cesar, and Cesars armie beeyng in

that besiege fyreate distresse through famine, there was brought of his

ar made ° • ' • L i c

afraied bredde to Jrompei, whom seyng it made 01 grasse, com-

maunded, that it should not bee shewed unto his armie, least
it shoulde make them afraide, seyng what enemies they had
Honour got against theim. Nothyng caused so muche honour to the
by constancie. Romaines in the warre of Aniball, as their constancie : for
as muche as in what so ever envious, and adverse fortune
thei were troubled, they never demaunded peace, thei never
made anie signe of feare, but rather when Aniball was
aboute Rome, thei solde those fieldes, where he had pitched
his campe, dearer then ordinarie in other times shoulde have
been solde : and they stoode in so much obstinacie in their
enterprises, that for to defende Rome, thei would not raise
their campe from Capua, the whiche in the verie same time
that Roome was besieged, the Romaines did besiege.

I knowe that I have tolde you of manie thynges, the
whiche by your selfe you might have understoode, and con
sidered, notwithstanding I have doen it (as to daie also I
have tolde you) for to be abell to shewe you better by
meane therof, the qualitie of this armie, and also for to
satisfie those, if there be anie, whome have not had the
same commoditie to understand them as you. Nor me
thinkes that there resteth other to tell you, then certaine
generall rules, the whiche you shal have moste familiar,
which be these.

Generall rules The same that helpeth the enemie, hurteth thee : and the
of warre. same that helpeth thee, hurteth the enemie.

He that shall be in the warre moste vigilant to observe
the devises of the enemie, and shall take moste payne to
exercise his armie, shall incurre least perilles and maie hope
moste of the victorie.

Never conducte thy men to faight the field, if first thou
hast not confirmed their mindes and knowest them to be
222

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

without feare, and to be in good order: for thou oughteste THE
never to enterprise any dangerous tliyng with thy soul- SEVENTH
diours, but when thou secst, that they hope to overcome. BOOKE

It is better to conquere the enemie with faminne, then
with yron : in the victorie of which, fortune maie doe much
more then valiantnesse.

No purpose is better then that, whiche is hidde from the
enemie untill thou have executed it.

To know in the warre how to understande occasion, and
to take it, helpeth more then anie other thynge.

Nature breedeth few stronge menne, the industrie and the
exercise maketh manic.

Discipline maie doe more in warre, then furie.

When anie departe from the enemies side for to come to
serve thee, when thei be faithfull, thei shalbe unto thee
alwaies great gaines : for that the power of thadvcrsarics
are more demmisshed with the losse of them, that runne
awaie, then of those that be slaine, although that the name
of a fugetive be to new frendes suspected, to olde odius.

Better it is in pitchyng the fielde, to reserve behynde the
first front aide inoughe, then to make the fronte bigger to
disperse the souldiours.

He is difficultely overcome, whiche can know his owne
power and the same of the enemie.

The valiantenesse of the souldiours availeth more then
the multitude.

Some times the situacion helpeth more then the valiante
nesse.

New and sudden thynges, make armies afrayde.

Slowe and accustomed thinges, be littell regarded of them.
Therfore make thy armie to practise and to know with
small faightes a new enemie, before thou come to faight the
fielde with him.

He that with disorder foloweth the enemie after that he
is broken, will doe no other, then to become of a comjtierour
a loser.

He that prepareth not necessarie victualles to live upon,
is overcome without vron.

THE

SEVENTH
BOOKE

How to

consults.

What thynges
are the
strength of
the warre.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

He that trusteth more in horsemen then in footemen, or
more in footemen then in horsemen, must accommodate him
selfe with the situacion.

When thou wilte see if in the daie there be comen anie
spie into the Campe, cause everie man to goe to his
lodgynge.

Chaunge purpose, when thou perceivest that the enemie
hath forseene it.

Consulte with many of those thinges, which thou oughtest
to dooe : the same that thou wilt after dooe, conferre with
fewe.

Souldiours when thei abide at home, are mainteined with
feare and punishemente, after when thei ar led to the warre,
with hope and with rewarde.

Good Capitaines come never to faight the fielde, excepte
necessitie constraine theim, and occasion call them.

Cause that thenemies know not, how thou wilte order thy
armie to faight, and in what so ever maner that thou
ordainest it, make that the firste bande may be received of
the seconde and of the thirde.

In the faight never occupie a battell to any other thyng,
then to the same, for whiche thou haste apoincted it, if
thou wilt make no disorder.

The sodene accidentes, with difficultie are reamedied :
those that are thought upon, with facilitie.

Men, yron, money, and bread, be the strengthe of the
warre, but of these fower, the first twoo be moste necessarie :
because men and yron, finde money and breade : but breade
and money fynde not men and yron.

The unarmed riche man, is a bootie to the poore souldiour.

Accustome thy souldiours to dispise delicate livyng and
lacivius aparell.

This is as muche as hapneth me generally to remember
you, and I know that there might have ben saied manie
other thynges in all this my reasonynge : as should be, how
and in howe manie kinde of waies the antiquitie ordered
their bandes, how thei appareled them, and how in manie
other thynges they exercised them, and to have joygned

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

hereunto manie other particulars, the whiche I have not THK

judged necessarie to shew, as wel for that you your self SEVENTH

may se them, as also for that my intente hath not been to BOOKE

shew juste how the olcle servis of warre was apoinctcd, but

ho we in these daies a servis of warre might be ordained,

whiche should have more vertue then the same that is

used. Wherfore I have not thought good of the auncient

thynges to reason other, then that, which I have judged to

suche introduction necessarie. I know also that I might

have delated more upon the service on horsebacke, and after

have reasoned of the warre on the Sea : for as muche as he

that destinguissheth the servis of warre, saieth, how there

is an armie on the sea, and of the lande, on foote, and on

horsebacke. Of that on the sea, I will not presume to speake,

for that I have no knowledge therof: but I will let the

Genoues, and the Venecians speake therof, whome with

like studies have heretofore doen great thinges.

Also of horses, I wil speake no other, then as afore I have
saied, this parte beynge (as I have declared) least corrupted.
Besides this, the footemen being wel ordained, which is the
puissance of the armie, good horses of necessitie will come
to be made.

Onely I counsel him that would ordayne the exercise of Provisions
armes in his owne countrev, and desireth to fill the same that maie bee

.. , i , .1,11 • • it made to till ;»

with good horses, that he make two provisions: the one H^imef,,!!
is, that he destribute Mares of a good race throughe his g00ti horse,
dominion, and accustome his menne to make choise of
coltes, as you in this countrie make of Calves and Mules :
the other is, that to thentente the excepted might finde a
byer, I woulde prohibet that no man should kepe a Mule
excepte he woulde keepe a horse : so that he that woulde
kepe but one beaste to ride on, shoulde be constrained to
keepe a horse : and moreover that no man should weare
fine cloathe except he which doeth kcepe a horse : this order
I under stande hath beene devised of certaine princes in
our time, whome in short space have therby, brought into
their countrey an excellente numbre of good horses. Aboute
the other thynges, as much as might be looked for con-
FF 225

THE

SEVENTH
BOOKE

The know
ledge that a
capitaine
oughte to
have.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

cernynge horse, I remit to as much as I have saied to dale,
and to that whiche they use. Peradventure also you woulde
desire to understand what condicions a Capitaine ought to
have : wherof I shal satisfie you moste breeflie : for that I
cannot tell how to chose anie other man then the same,
who shoulde know howe to doe all those thynges whiche
this daie hath ben reasoned of by us : the which also should
not suffise, when he should not knowe howe to devise of him
selfe : for that no man without invencion, was ever ex
cellent in anie science : and if invencion causeth honour in
other thynges, in this above all, it maketh a man honorable :
for everie invention is seen, although it were but simple,
to be of writers celebrated : as it is seen, where Alexander
Magnus is praised, who for to remove his Campe moste
secretely, gave not warnyng with the Trumpette, but with
a hatte upon a Launce. And was praised also for havyng
taken order that his souldiours in buckelynge with the
enemies, shoulde kneele with the lefte legge, to bee able
more strongly to withstande their violence : the whiche
havyng geven him the victorie, it got him also so muche
praise, that all the Images, whiche were erected in his
honour, stoode after the same facion. But because it is
tyme to finishe this reasonyng, I wil turne againe to my
first purpose, and partly I shall avoide the same reproche,
wherin they use to condempne in this towne, such as
knoweth not when to make an ende.

Theauctorre- If you remembre Cosimus you tolde me, that I beyng of
torneth to his one side an exalter of the antiquitie, and a dispraiser of
first purpose those, which in waightie matters imitated them not, and
of the other side, I havynge not in the affaires of war,
wherin I have taken paine, imitated them, you coulde not
perceive the occasion : wherunto I answered, how that men
which wil doo any thing, muste firste prepare to knowe how
to doe it, for to be able, after to use it, when occasion
permitteth : whether I doe know how to bryng the servis
of warre to the auncient manners or no, I will be judged by
you, whiche have hearde me upon this matter longe dispute :
wherby you may know, how much time I have consumed
226

and maketh a
littel discorse
to make an
ende of his
reasonyng.

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

in these studies: and also I beleeve that you male imagen, THE
how much desire is in me to brynge it to etfecte : the whiche SEVENTH
whether I have been able to have doen, or that ever occa- BOOKE
sion hath been geven me, most easely you maie conjecture :
yet for to make you more certaine and for my better justi-
ticacion, I will also aledge the occasions : and as much as
I have promised, I will partely performe, to shew you the
difHeultie and the facelitie, whiche bee at this presente in
suche imitacions.

Therfore I saie, how that no deede that is doen now a A prince may
daies emong men, is more easie to be reduced unto the east>l'e l)r>'»tfe
aunciente maners, then the service of Warre : but by them fectimf the*'
onely that be Princes of so nioche state, who can at least servis of
gather together of their owne subjectes, xv. or twentie warre.
thousande yong menne: otherwise, no thyng is more diffi-
culte, then this, to them whiche have not soche commoditie:
and for that you maie the better understande this parte,
you have to knowe, howe that there bee of twoo condicions,
('apitaines to bee praised : The one are those, that with an Two sortes of
armie ordained through the naturalle discipline thereof, Capitaines
have dooen greate thynges : as were the greater parte of w»>rthieto bee
the llomaine Citezeins, and suche as have ledde armies, 1>ra
the which have had no other paine, then to maintaine
them good, and to se them guided safely : the other are
they, whiche not onely have had to overcome the enemie,
but before thev come to the same, have been constrained
to make good and well ordered their armie : who without
doubte deserve muche more praise, then those have de
served, which with olde armies, and good, have valiantely
wrought. Of these, such wer Pelopida, and Epaminonda,
Tullua Hostillius. Phillip of Macedony father of Alexander,
Cirus kvng of the Percians, Graccus a Romaine : they all
were driven first to make their armies good, and after to
fuightc with them : they all coulde doe it, as well through?
their prudence, as also for havvnge subjectes whonie thei
might in like exercises instruct : nor itshuld never have ben
otherwise possible, that anie of theim, though thev had
ben never so good and ful of al excellencie, should have

227

THE ARTE OF WARRE

THE been able in a straunge countrey, full of men corrupted,
SEVENTH not used to anie honest obedience, to have brought to passe
BOOKE anie laudable worke. It suffiseth not then in Italic, to know
how to governe an army made, but first it is necessarie to
know how to make it and after to know how to commaunde
it : and to do these things it is requisit they bee those princes,
whome havyng much dominion, and subjectes inoughe, maie
have commoditie to doe it : of whiche I can not bee, who
never commaunded, nor cannot commaunde, but to armies
of straungers, and to men bounde to other, and not to me :
in whiche if it be possible, or no, to introduce anie of those
thynges that this daie of me hath ben reasoned, I will leave
it to your judgement.

Albeit when coulde I make one of these souldiours which
now a daies practise, to weare more armur then the ordi-
narie, and besides the armur, to beare their owne meate for
two or three daies, with a mattocke : When coulde I make
theim to digge, or keepe theim every daie manie howers
armed, in fained exercises, for to bee able after in the verie
thyng in deede to prevaile? When woulde thei abstaine
from plaie, from laciviousnesse, from swearynge, from the
insolence, whiche everie daie they committe? when would
they be reduced into so muche dissepline, into so much
obedience and reverence, that a tree full of appels in the
middest of their Campe, shoulde be founde there and lefte
untouched ? As is redde, that in the auncient armies manie
times hapned. What thynge maye I promis them, by
meane wherof thei may have me in reverence to love, or
to feare, when the warre beyng ended, they have not anie
more to doe with me? wher of maie I make them ashamed,
whiche be borne and brought up without shame ? whie
shoulde thei be ruled by me who knowe me not ? By what
God or by what sainctes may I make them to sweare ? By
those that thei worship, or by those that they blaspheme ?
Who they worship I knowe not anie : but I knowe well they
blaspheme all. How shoulde I beleeve that thei will keepe
their promise to them, whome everie hower they dispise ?
How can they, that dispise God, reverence men? Then
228

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

what good fashion shoulde that be, whiche might be im- THE
pressed in this matter? And if you should aledge unto SEVENTH
me that Suyz/ers and Spaniardes bee good souldiours, I BOOKE
woulde conlesse unto you, how they be farre better then
the Italians : but if you note my reasonynge, and the maner
of procedyng of bothe, you shall see, howe they lacke many
thynges to joygne to the perfection of the antiquetie. And
how the Suyzzers be made good of one of their naturall
uses caused of that, whiche to daie I tolde you : those other
are made good by mean of a necessitie : for that servyng
in a straunge countrie, and secmyng unto them to be con
strained either to die, or to overcome, thei perceivynge to
have no place to Hie, doe become good: but it is a good -
nesse in manie partes fawtie : for that in the same there is
no other good, but that they bee accustomed to tarie the
enemie at the Pike and sweardes poincte : nor that, which
thei lacke, no man should be meete to teache them, and so
much the lesse, he that coulde not speake their language.

Hut let us turne to the Italians, who for havynge not
had wise Princes, have not taken anie good order : and for
havvng not had the same necessitie, whiche the Spaniardes
have hadde, they have not taken it of theim selves, so that
they remaine the shame of the worlde : and the people
be not to blame, but onely their princes, who have The Aurtnr
ben chastised, and for their ignorance have ben justely "cuseth^the
punisshed, leesinge moste shamefully their states, without j'^j'j'/t,, tin-
shewing anie vertuous ensample. And if you will see jfreatrepror
whether this that I say be trew : consider how manie of their
warres have ben in Italic since the departure of kyng prynres for
Charles to this day, where the war beyng wonte to make anceVrrthe
men warlvke and of reputacion, these the greater and fierser ;iffajres of
that they have been, so muche the more they have made warre.
the reputacion of the members and of the headdes therof
to bee loste. This proveth that it groweth, that the ac
customed orders were not nor bee not good, and of the
newe orders, there is not anie whiche have knowen how
to bike them. Nor never beleeve that reputacion will be
gotten, bv the Italians weapons, but bv the same waie that

229

THE

SEVENTH
BOOKE

A discription
of the folishe-
nesse of the
Italian
princes.

Cesar and
Alexander,
were the for
moste in
battell.

THE ARTE OF WARRE

I have shewed, and by means of theim, that have great
states in Italic : for that this forme maie be impressed, in
simple rude men, of their owne, and not in malicious, ill
brought up, and straungers. Nor there shall never bee
founde anie good mason, whiche will beleeve to be able to
make a faire image of a peece of Marbell ill hewed, but
verye well of a rude peece.

Our Italian Princes beleved, before thei tasted the blowes
of the outlandishe warre, that it should suffice a Prince to
knowe by writynges, how to make a subtell answere, to
write a goodly letter, to shewe in saiynges, and in woordes,
witte and promptenesse, to knowe how to canvas a fraude,
to decke theim selves with precious stones and gold, to slepe
and to eate with greater glorie then other : To keepe many
lascivious persones aboute them, to governe theim selves
with their subjectes, covetuously and proudely : To rotte
in idlenesse, to give the degrees of the exercise of warre,
for good will, to despise if any should have shewed them
any laudable waie, minding that their wordes should bee
aunswers of oracles : nor the sely wretches were not aware,
that thei prepared theim selves to bee a praie, to whom so
ever should assaulte theim. Hereby grewe then in the
thousande fower hundred nintie and fower yere, the greate
feares, the sodain flightes, and the marveilous losses : and so
three most mightie states which were in Italic, have been
divers times sacked and destroied. But that which is worse, is
where those that remaine, continue in the verie same erroure,
and live in the verie same disorder, and consider not, that
those, who in old time would kepe their states, caused to be
dooen these thynges, which of me hath been reasoned, and
that their studies wer, to prepare the body to diseases, and
the minde not to feare perilles. Whereby gre\ve that Cesar,
Alexander, and all those menne and excellente Princes in
old tyme, were the formoste emongest the faighters, goyng
armed on foote : and if thei loste their state, thei would
loose their life, so that thei lived and died vertuously. And
if in theim, or in parte of theim, there might bee con-
dernpned to muche ambicion to reason of: yet there shall

230

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

never bee founde, that in theim is condempned any tender- THE
nesse, or any thynge that maketh menne delicate and feahle : SEVENTH
the whit-he thyng, if of these Princes were redde and beleved, BOOKE
it should be impossible, that thci should not change their
forme of living, and their provinces not to chaunge fortune.
And for that you in the beginnyiig of this our reasonyng,
lamented your ordinaunces, I sale unto you, that if you had
ordained it, as I afore have reasoned, and it had given of it
self no good experience, you might with reason have been
greved therewith: but it it bee not so ordained, and exercised,
as I have saied, it male be greeved with you, who have
made a counterfaite thereof, and no perfecte figure. The
Venecians also, and the Duke of Ferare, beganne it, and The Vene-
followed it not, the whiche hath been through their faulte, clans and the

not through their menne. And therfore I assure you, that an toh^ve
who so ever of those, whiche at this daie have states in reduced the
Italie, shall enter firste into this waie, shall be firste, before warfare to the
any other, Lorde of this Province, and it shall happen to his Aunciente
state, as to the kyngdome of the Macedonians, the which ™aners-
comrnyng under Philip, who had learned the maner of
settyng armies in order of Epaminondas a Thebane, became
with this order, and with these exercises (whilcste the reste
of Grece stoode in idlenesse, and attended to risite comedes)
so puisant, that he was able in few yeres to possesse it all,
and to leave soche foundacion to his sonne, that he was
able to make hymself, prince of all the world. He then He that de-
that despiseth these studies, if he be a Prince, despiseth his JjJ^f
Princedome: if he bee a Citezein, his Citee. Wherefore, J>e™, de-
I lamente me of nature, the whiche either ought not to s,,ist.th his
have made me a knower of this, or it ought to have given own welthe.
me power, to have been able to have executed it : For now
beyng olde, I cannot hope to have any occasion, to bee
able so to dooe : In consideracion whereof, I have been
liberall with you, who beeyng grave yong menne, nuiie
(when the thynges saied of me shall please you) at due
tymes in favour of your Princes, helpe theim and counsaile
them, wherein I would have you not to bee afraied, or mis-
trustfull, bicause this Province seemes to bee altogether given,

'..!.' i 1

THE ARTE OF WARRE

to raise up againe the thynges dedde, as is seen by the per-

SEVENTH feccion that poesie, paintyng, and writing, is now brought

BOOKE Unt0 . Albeit, as moche as is looked for of me, beyng

strooken in yeres, I do mistruste. Where surely, if Fortune

had heretofore graunted me so moche state, as suffiseth for

a like enterprise, I would not have doubted, but in moste

shorte tyme, to have shewed to the worlde, how moche the

aunciente orders availe : and without peradventure,

either I would have increased it with glory, or

loste it without shame.

The ende of the seventh and laste booke of the arte of

warre, of Nicholas Machiavell, Citezein and Secretarie of

Florence, translated out of Italian into Englishe :

By Peter Whitehorne, felow of Graise Inne.

232

NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL,

CITEZEIN AND SECRETARIE

OF FLORENCE,

TO

THE READERS.

GG

THE ARTE OF WARRE

NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL,

CITEZEIN AND SECRETARIE OF FLORENCE,
TO THE READERS

0 thentente that such as rede this booke
male without ditficultie understande the
order of the battailes, or bandes of men,
and of the armies, and lodgynges in the
Campe, accordynge as they in the dis-
cription of theim are apoincted, I thinke
it necessarie to shewe you the figure of
everie one of them : wherefore it is

requiset firste, to declare unto you, by what poinctes and
letters, the footemen, the horsemen, and everie other par-
ticuler membre are set foorthe.

KNOW THERFORE THAT

* "1 [Target men.

| Pikemen.

<•> J [a Capitaine of ten men.

V Veliti ordinarie. ) which ar those men

TC } ( Veliti extraordinari fth,at shoote with hai'-

C [ ja Centurion or cap- cabuses or bowes-

[ taine of a hundred men.

Constable or a captaine of a band of
fower hundred and fiftie men.
The hed captain of a maine battel.

e general Captaine of the whole armie.
[The Trompet.
The Drum.
[The Ansigne.

The Standerde.
[Men of Armes.
•j Light horsemen.

1 Artillerie or ordinance.

Signifieth

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

In the first figure nexte folowyng, is discribed the forme
of an ordinarie battaile or bande of fower hundred and
fiftie men, and in what maner it is redoubled by Hankc.
And also how with the verie same order of Ixxx. rankes,
by chaungyng onely to the hinder parte the five rankes of
Pikes which were the formost of everie Centurie, thei mayc
likewise in bringyng them in battaile raie, come to bee
placed behinde : whiche may be doen, when in marchyng,
the enemies should come to assaulte them at their backes :
accordynge as the orderyng therof is before declared.
Fol. 87.

In the seconde figure, is shewed how a battaile or bande
of men is ordered, whiche in marchyng should be driven to
faight en the flanke : accordyng as in the booke is declared.
Fol. 87.

In the thirde figure, is shewed how a battaile or bande
of men, is ordered with two homes, fol. 88, and after is
shewed how the same maie be made with a voide place in
the middest : accordynge as the orderyng therof, in the
booke moste plainely is declared, fol. 89.

In the fowerth figure, is shewed the forme or facion of
an armie apoincted to faight the battaile with the enemies :
and for the better understandynge thereof, the verie same
is plainlier set foorthe in the figure next unto it, wherby the
other two figures next folowyng maie the easier be under-
stoode : accordynge as in the booke is expressed. Fol. 105.

In the fifte figure, is shewed the forme of a fower square
armie: as in the booke is discribed. Fol. 15°..

In the sixte figure, is shewed howe an Armie is brought
from a fower square facion, to the ordinarie forme, to faight
a fielde: accordyng as afore is declared. Fol. 15(5.

In the seventh figure, is discribod the maner of in-
camping : according as the same in the booke is declared.
Fol. 174.

THE FIRSTE

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237

THE SECONDE

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239

THE THYRDE

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AAAAAAAAAAAAAAA

FIGURE

II

249

NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL'S

PRINCE

TRANSLATED
OUT OF ITALIAN INTO ENGLISH BY

E. D.

WITH SOME ANIMADVERSIONS

NOTING AND TAXING

HIS ERRORS

1640

TO THE MOST

NOBLE AND ILLUSTRIOUS,

JAMES Duke of Lenox, Earle of March,

Baron of Setrington, Darnly, Terbanten, and

Methuen, Lord Great Chamberlain and Admiral

of Scotland, Knight of the most Noble Order

of the Garter, and one of his Majesties

most honourable Privy Counsel

in both kingdomes.

OYSONS are not all of that malig
nant and noxious quality, that as
destructives of Nature, they arc
utterly to be abhord ; but we find
many, nay most of them have
their medicinal uses. This book
carries its poyson and malice in it ; yet mee thinks —
the judicious peruser may honestly make use of i
in the actions of his life, with advantage. The
Lamprey, they say, hath a vcnemous string runs
all along the back of it ; take that out, and it is
serv'd in for a choyce dish to dainty palates ;
Epictetus the Philosopher, sayes, Every thing hath

THE PRINCE

two handles, as the fire brand, it may be taken up
at one end in the bare hand without hurt : the
other being laid hold on, will cleave to the very
flesh, and the smart of it will pierce even to the
heart. Sin hath the condition of the fiery end ;
the touch of it is wounding with griefe unto the
soule : nay it is worse ; one sin goes not alone but
hath many consequences. Your Grace may find
the truth of this in your perusal of this Author :
your judgement shall easily direct you in finding
out the good uses of him : I have pointed at his
chiefest errors with my best endeavors, and have
devoted them to your Graces service : which if
you shall accept and protect, I shall remain

Your Graces humble and devoted servant,

EDWARD D ACRES.

254

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

THE EPISTLE TO THE READER

UESTIONLESS some men will blame me
for making this Author speak in our
vulgar tongue. For his Muximes and
Tenents are condemnd of all, as pernicious
to all Christian States, and hurtfull to all
humane Societies. Herein I shall answer
for my self with the Comcedian, Placcrc
fftudco bo nix (juam plur'nins^ct vrinimc midtos
lucdcrc : I endeavor to give content to the most I can of
those that are well disposed, and no scandal to any. I
grant, I find him blamed and condemned : I do no less my
self. Reader, either do thou read him without a prejudicate
opinion, and out of thy own judgement taxe his errors; or
at least, if thou canst stoop so low, make use of my pains
to help thee ; I will promise thee this reward for thy labor :
if thou consider well the actions of the world, thou shall
find him much praclised by those lhal condemn him ; who
willingly would walk as Iheeves do with close lanlernes in
Ihe night, thai they being undescried, and yet seeing all,
might surprise the unwary in the dark. Surely this book
will infect no man : oul of the wicked treasure of a mans-
own wicked heart, he drawes his malice and mischief. From
Ihe same flower Ihe liee sucks honey, from whence the
Spider halh his poyson. And he lhal means well, shall
be here warnd, where Ihe deceitful 1 man Jennies to set his
snares. A judge who hath often used to examine Iheeves,
becomes Ihe more experl lo sifl oul Iheir tricks. If mis
chief come hereupon, blame not me, nor blame my
Author : lay the saddle on the right horse : but
Hony -wit qui mill y petutc : let shame light on
him thai halchl the mischief.

255

THE PRINCE

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELLI,

to the Magnificent LAURENCE sonne
to PETER OF MEDICIS health.

\HEY that desire to ingratiate themselves
with a Prince, commonly use to offer them
selves to his view, with tilings of that nature
as such persons take most pleasure and
delight in: whereupon we see they are
many times presented with Horses and
Armes, cloth of gold, pretious stones, and
such like ornaments, worthy of' their great
ness. Having then a mind to offer up my self to your
Magnificence, with some testimony of my service to you, I
found nothing in my whole inventory, that I think better of,
or more esteeme, than the knowlege of great mens actions,—
which I have learned by a long experience of modern affairs,
and a continual reading of those of the ancients. Which,
now that I have with great diligence long workt it out, and
throughly sifted, I commend to your Magnificence. And
however I may well think this work unworthy of your view ;
yet such is your humanity, that I doubt not but it shall find
acceptance, considering, that for my part I am not able to
tender a greater gift, than to present you with the means,
whereby in a very short time you may be able to understand
all that, which I, in the space of many years, and with many
sufferances and dangers, have made proof and gaind the
knowledge of. And this work I have not set forth either with
elegancy of discourse or stile, nor with any other ornament
whereby to captivate the reader, as others use, because I would
not have it gain its esteem from elsewhere than from the truth —
of the matter, and the gravity of the subject. Nor can this —
' 256

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

be thought presumption, if a man of humble and low condition
venture to dilate and discourse upon ttie governments of
Princes ; for even as tJiey that with their pencils designe out
countreys, get themselves into the plains below to consider the
nature of the mountains, and other high places above ; and
again to consider the plains below, they get up to the tops of
the mountains ; in like manner to understand the nature of Un
people, it is fit to be a Prince ; and to know well the dispositions
of Princes, sides best with the understanding of a subject.
Your Magnificence then may be pleased, to receive this small
present, with the same mind tJiat I send it; which if you sliall
throughly peruse and consider, you shall perceive therein that
I exceedingly wish, that you may attain to that greatness,
which your own fortune, and your excellent endowments
promise you : and if your Magnificence from the very
point of your Highness shall sometime cast your eyes
upon these inferior places, you shall see how un
deservedly I undergoe an extream and continual
despight of Fortune.

KK 257

THE PRINCE

THE TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS

CHAP. 1.

How many sorts of Principalities there are, and how

many wayes they are attained to, . . . 263

CHAP. 2.

Of hereditary Principalities, . . . 264

CHAP. 3.
Of mixt Principalities, ... . 265

CHAP. 4.

Wherefore Darius his Kingdome, taken by Alexander,
rebelled not against his successors after Alexanders
death, . • • • 273

CHAP. 5.

In what manner Cities and Principalities are to be
governed, which before they were conquered, lived
under their own laws, .... 276

CHAP. (>.
Of new Principalities that are conquered by ones own

armes and valor, . . . .277

259

THE PRINCE

TBLE

1 ABLfc

CHAR 7'

Of new Principalities gotten by fortune and other mens

forces, . . . . . .281

CHAP. 8.
Concerning those who by wicked means have attaind to

a Principality, . . . . .289

CHAP. 9.
Of the Civil Principality , . . . . .293

CHAP. 10.

In what manner the forces of all Principalities ought to

be measured, ..... 297

CHAP. 11.

Concerning Ecclesiastical Principalities, . . . 299

CHAP. 12.
How many sorts of Military discipline there be; and

touching mercenary soldiers, . . .302

CHAP. 13.
Of Auxiliary Soldiers, mixt and natives, . . 307

CHAP. 14.
What belongs to the Prince touching military discipline, 310

CHAP. 15.
Of those things in respect whereof men, and especially

Princes are prais'd or disprais'd, . 313

260

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

CHAP. U). THE

• AGE TABLE
Of Liberality and Miserableness, . . 315

CHAP. 17.
Of Cruelty and Clemency, and whether it is better to be

belov'd or feared, . . . . .318

CHAP. 18.
In what manner Princes ought to keep their word, . 321

CHAP. 19.
That Princes should take a care not to incur contempt

or hatred, . . . . . .325

CHAP. 20.

Whether the Citadels and many other things, which
Princes make use of, are profitable or dammage-
able, 335

CHAP. 21.
How a Prince ought to behave himself to gain reputation, 339

CHAP. 22.
Touching Princes Secretaries, . . . 343

CHAP. 23.
That Flatterers are to be avoyded, . . 344

CHAP. 21.

Wherefore the Princes of Italy have lost their States, 347

2G1

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THE CHAP. 25.

TABLE

How great power Fortune hath in humane affairs, and

what means there is to resist it, . . 349

CHAP. 26.
An exhortation to free Italy from the Barbarions, . 353

262

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Written by

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELLI,

Secretary and Citizen of Florence.

CHAP. I

How many sorts of Principalities there are, and
how many wayes they are attained to.

LL States, all Dominions that have had,
or now have rule over men, have been
and are, either Republiques or Princi
palities. Principalities are either heredi
tary, whereof they of the blood of the Lord
thereof have long time been Princes; or
else they are new ; and those that are new,
are either all new, as was the Dutchy of
Millan to Francis Sforce; or are as members adjoyned to the
hereditary State of the Prince that gains it; as the King
dom of Naples is to the King of Spain. These Dominions
so gotten, are accustomed either to live under a Prince,
or to enjoy their liberty; and are made conquest
of, either with others forces, or ones own, either
by fortune, or by valor.

263

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CHAP. II

Of Hereditary Principalities.

WILL not here discourse of Republiques,
because I have other where treated of
them at large : I will apply my self only
to a Principality, and proceed, while I
weave this web, by arguing thereupon,
how these Principallities can be governed
and maintained. I say then that in
States of inheritance, and accustomed to
the blood of their Princes, there are far fewer difficulties to
keep them, than in the new : for..it suffices only not to
ilSBSgJ'.ggg tkej^oursg ijiis. Ancestors_took. and so afterward
to temporise w i th those accidents t hatcan happen ; that if
such a Prince be but of ordinary industry, he shall allwaics
be able to maintain himself in his State, unless by some
extraordinary or excessive power he be deprived thereof;
and when he had lost it, upon the least sinister chance that
befalls the usurper, he recovers it again. We have in Italy
the Duke of Ferrara for example hereof, who was of ability
to resist the Venetians, in the year 84. and to withstand
Pope Julius in the tenth for no other reason, than because
he had of old continued in that rule ; for the natural Prince
hath fewer occasions, and less heed to give offence, where
upon of necessity he must be more beloved ; and unless it be
that some extravagant vices of his bring him into hatred, it is
agreeable to reason, that naturally he should be well beloved
by his own subjects : and in the antiquity and continuation
of the Dominion, the remembrances and occasions of
innovations are quite extinguished : for evermore
one change leaves a kind of breach or dent, to
fasten the building of another.

264

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

CHAP. Ill

Of mixt Principalities.

UT the difficulties consist in the new Prin
cipality ; and first, if it be not all new,
but as a member, so that it may be
termed altogether as mixt ; and the
variations thereof proceed in the first
place from a natural difficulty, which vre
commonly finde in all new Principalities;
for men do willingly change their Lord,*
beleeving to better their condition ; and this beliefe causes v
them to take armes against him that rules over them,
whereby they deceive themselves, because they find after byV
experience, they have made it worse : which depends upon
another natural and ordinary necessity, &ldrjg.hiiii alwak'S to_
Prince Ji£_newl become^ *«~w* 11 by

soldiers he is put to_entertain jipon iliem as by many other..
injuries, which a new conquest .draws along with it ; in
such manner as thou findest all those thine enemies, whom
thou hast endammaged in the seizing of that Principality,
and afterwards canst not keep them thy friends that have
seated thee in it, for not being able to satisfie them accord-!
ing to their expectations, nor put in practice strong remedies (i
against them, being obliged to them. For however one be'
very well provided with strong armies, yet hath he alwaies /
need of the favor of the inhabitants in the Countrey, to enterV
thereinto. For these reasons, Lewis the twelfth, King of
France, suddenly took Milan, and as soon lost it ; and the
first time Lodwick his own forces served well enough to
wrest it out of his hands; for those people that had opened
him the gates, finding themselves deceived of their opinion,
and of that future good which they had promised themselves,
could not endure the distastes the new Prince gave them.
True it is, that Countreys that have rebelled again the
second time, being recovered, are harder lost ; for their Lord,
taking occasion from their rebellion, is less respective of

ing
LL

265

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CHAP. Ill [persons, but cares only to secure himself, by punishing
Of mixt Prin- jthe delinquents, to clear all suspicions, and to provide
cipalities. Ifor himself where he thinks he is weakest : so that if to
make France lose Milan the first time, it was enough for
Duke Lodwick to make some small stir only upon the
confines ; yet afterwards, before they could make him lose
it the second time, they had need of the whole world
together against him, and that all his armies should be
wasted and driven out of Italy ; which proceeded from the
forenamed causes : however though both the first and
second time it was taken from him. The generall causes of
the first we have treated of; it remains now that we see
those of the second ; and set down the remedies that he had,
or any one else can have that should chance to be in those
termes he was, whereby he might be able to maintain himself
better in his conquest than the King of France did. I say .
therefore, that these States which by Conquest are annexed
/to the ancient states of their conqueror, are either of the
V same province and the same language, or otherwise ; and
/when they are, it is very easy to hold them, especially when
/they are not used to live free; and to enjoy them securely,
V it is enough to have extinguished the Princes line who ruled
x)ver them : For in other matters, allowing them their ancient
/conditions, and there being not much difference of manners
/betwixt them, men ordinarily live quiet enough ; as we havej
seen that Burgundy did, Britany, Gascony, and Normandy,!
which so long time continued with France : for however!
there be some difference of language between them, yet can!
they easily comport one with another ; and whosoever makesl
the conquest of them, meaning to hold them, must have two!

(regards; the first, that the race of their former Prince be I
quite extinguished ; the other, that he change nothing, I
neither in their lawes nor taxes, so that in a very short I
time they become one entire body with their ancient I
Principality. But when any States nre gaind in a Province \
^disagreeing in language, manners, and orders, here are the
difficulties, and here is there need of good fortune, and great
industry 'to maintain them ;" arid it would be one of the best

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

and livelyest remedies, for the Conqueror to goe in person/ CHAP. Ill
and dwell there; this would make the possession hereof/Of mixt Prin-
more secure and durable; as the Turk hath done in Greece, cipalitiea.
who among all the other courses taken by him for to hold
that State, had he not gone thither himself in person to
dwell, it had never been possible for him to have kept it :
for abiding there, he sees the disorders growing in their/
beginnings, and forthwith can remedy them ; whereas being
not there present, they are heard of when they are grown to J
some height, and then is there no help for them. Moreover,*'
the Province is not pillaged by the officers thou sendest ^
thither: the subjects are much satisfied of having recourse
to the Prince near at hand, whereupon have they more i
reason to love him, if they mean to be good ; and intending/
to do otherwise, to fear 'him: and forrein Princes will be
well aware how they invade that State; insomuch, that
making his abode there, he can very hardly lose it. Another ~~
remedy, which is also a better, is to send Colonies into one y
or two places, which may be as it were the keys of that
State; for it is necessary either to do this, or to maintain
there many horse and foot. In these colonies the Prince"""
makes no great expence, and either without his charge, or ^
at a very small rate, he may both send and maintain them ;
and gives offence only to them from whom he takes theiri
fields and houses, to bestow them on those new inhabitants]
who are but a very small part of that State ; and those that!
he offends, remaining dispersed and poore, can never hurt)
him : and all the rest on one part, have no offence given
them, and therefore a small matter keeps them in quiet : on
the other side, they are wary not to erre, for fear it befalls *
not them, as it did those that were dispoild. I conclude
then, that those colonies that are not chargeable, are the
more trusty, give the less offence ; and they that are
offended, being but poor and scattered, can do but little
harme, as I have said ; for it is to be noted, that men must
either be dallyed and flattered withall, or else be quite
nisbt. ; for they rc,y»"p" th.-rmclv^ »f

>f great ones they are not able \ so that when

267

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CHAP. Ill (to any man, it ought so to be done, that it need fear no
Of mixt Pr\-\return of revenge again. But in lieu of Colonies, by main-
cipalities. vtaining soldiers there, the expence is great ; for the whole
revenues of that State are to be spent in the keeping of it ;
so the conquest proves but a loss to him that hath got it,
and endammages him rather ; for it hurts that whole State
to remove the army from place to place, of which annoyance
every one hath a feeling, and so becomes enemie to thee ; as
they are enemies, I wis, who are outraged by thee in their own
houses, whensoever they are able to do thee mischief. Every
way then is this guard unprofitable. Besides, he that is in
a different Province, (as it is said) should make himself Head
Vand defender of his less powerfull neighbors, and devise
valwaies to weaken those that are more mighty therein, and
/take care that upon no chance there enter not any foreiner
yas mighty as himself; for it will alwaies come to pass, that
they shall be brought in by those that are discontented,
either upon ambition, or fear ; as the Etolians brought the
Romans into Greece ; and they were brought into every
countrey they came, by the Natives ; and the course of the
matter is, that so soon as a powerfull Stranger enters a
'/countrey, all those that are the less powerfull there, cleave
''to him, provoked by an envy they beare him that is more
^mighty than they; so that for these of the weaker sort, he
may easily gain them without any pains : for presently all
of them together very willingly make one lump with that he
hath gotten : He hath only to beware that these increase
not their strengths, nor their authorities, and so he shall
easily be able by his own forces, and their assistances, to
take down those that are mighty, and remain himself
absolute arbitre of that Countrey. And he that playes not
well this part, shall quickly lose what he hath gotten ; and
while he holds it, shall find therein a great many troubles
and vexations. The Romans in the Provinces they seiz'd
on, observed well these points, sent colonies thither, enter-
Stained the weaker sort, without augmenting any thing their
.power, abated the forces of those that were mighty, and
permitted not any powerfull forreiner to gain too much
268

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

reputation there. And I will content my self only with the CHAP. Ill
countrey of Greece for example hereof. The Achayans and Of mixt Prin-
Etolians were entertained by them, the Macedons kingdome cipalities.
was brought low, Antiochus was driven thence, nor ever did
the Achayans or Etolians deserts prevail so far for them,
that they would ever promise to enlarge their State, nor the
perswasions of Philip induce them ever to be his friends,
without bringing him lower; nor yet could Antiochus his
power make them ever consent that he should hold any
State in that countrey : for the Romans did in these cases
that which all judicious Princes ought to do, who are not
only to have regard unto all present mischiefs, but also to
the future, and to provide for those with all industry ; for
/by taking order for those when they are afarre off', it is easie
/to prevent them ; but by delaying till they come near hand
4.0 thee, the remedy comes too late; for this malignity is
/grown incurable : and it befalls this, as the physicians say
of the hectick feaver, that in the beginning it is easily cur'd,
but hardly known ; but in the course of time, not having
been known in the beginning, nor cured, it becomes easie to
know, but hard to cure. Even so falls it out in matters of
State ; for by knowing it aloof off' (which is given only to a
wise man to do) the mischiefs that then spring up, are
quickly helped ; but when, for not having been perceived,
they are suffered to increase, so that every one sees them,
there is then no cure for them : therefore the Komans, seeing
these inconvenients afar off', alwaies prevented them, and
never sufferd them to follow ; for to escape a war, be
cause they knew that a war is not undertaken, but deferred
for anothers advantage; therefore would they rather make
a war with Philip and Antiochus in Greece, to the end it
should not afterwards be made with them in Italy, though
for that time they were able to avoid both the one and the
other, which they thought not good to do : nor did they
approve of that saying that is ordinarily in the mouthcs of
the Sages of our dayes, to enjoy the benefits of the present
time; but that rather, to take the benefit of their valor and
wisdome ; for time drives forward everything, and may bring

"269

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CHAP. Ill with it as well good as evil, and evil as good. But let us
Of mixt Prin- return to France, and examine if any of the things prescribed
cipalities. have been done by them : and we will speak of Lewis, and
not of Charles, as of whom by reason of the long possession
he held in Italy we better knew the wayes he went : and you
shall see he did the clean contrary to what should have been
done by him that would maintain a State of different
Language and conditions. King Lewis was brought into
Italy by the Venetians ambition, who would have gotten for
their shares half the State of Lombardy : I will not blame
his comming, or the course he took, because he had a mind
to begin to set a foot in Italy ; but having not any friends
in the country, all gates being barred against him, by reason
of King Charles his carriage there, he was constrained to
joyn friendship with those he could; and this consideration
well taken, would have proved lucky to him, when in the
rest of his courses he had not committed any error. The
King then having conquered Lombardy, recovered presently
all that reputation that Charles had lost him ; Genua
yeelded to him, the Florentines became friends with him ;
the Marquess of Mantua, the Duke of Ferrara, the Bentivolti,
the Lady of Furli, the Lord of Faenza, Pesaro Rimino,
Camerino, and Piombino, the Luc heses, Pisans and Sieneses,
every one came and offered him friendship : then might the
Venetians consider the rashness of the course they had taken,
who, only to get into their hands two Townes in Lombardy,
made the King Lord of two thirds in Italy. Let any man
now consider with how small difficulty could the King have
maintained his reputation in Italy, if he had followed these
\Jaforenamed rules, and secured and defended those his friends,
who because their number was great, and they weak and
fearful, some of the Church, and others of the Venetians
were alwaies forced to hold with him, and by their means
he might easily have been able to secure himself against
those that were mightiest : but he was no sooner got into
Milan, than he took a quite wrong course, by giving ayd to
Pope Alexander, to seize upon Romania, and perceived not
that by this resolution he weakned himself, ruining his own

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

friends, and those had cast themselves into his bosom, making CHAP. Ill
the Church puissant, by adding to their Spiritual power, |Of mizt Prin-
whereby they gaind their authority, and so much temporal jcipalitiea.
estate/ And having once got out of the way, he was con
strained to go on forward ; insomuch as to stop Alexanders
ambition, and that he should not become Lord of nil Tuscany,
of force he was to come into Italy : and this sufficed him not,
to have made the Church mighty, and taken away his own
friends ; but for the desire he had to get the Kingdome of
Naples, he divided it with the King of Spain : and where
before he was the sole arbitre of Italy, he brought in a
competitor, to the end that all the ambitious persons of
that country, and all that were ill affected to him, might
have otherwhere to make their recourse : and whereas he
might have left in that Kingdome some Vice-King of his
own, he took him from thence, to place another there, that
might afterward chace him thence. It is a thing indeed
very natural and ordinary, to desire to be of the getting V
hand : and alwaies when men undertake it, if they can effect
it, they shall be prais\l for it, or at least not blamed : but v
when they are not able, and yet will undertake it, here lies i
the blame, here is the error committed. If France then was
able with her own power to assail the Kingdome of Naples,
she might well have done it ; but not being able, she should
not have divided it: and if the division she made of
Lombardy with the Venetians, deservM some excuse, thereby
to set one foot in Italy ; yet this merits blame, for not being
excusM by that necessity. Lewis then committed these five
faults; extinguish! the feebler ones, augmented the State of I
another that was already powerful in Italy, brought there- 1
into a very puissant forreiner, came not thither himself toj
dwell there, nor planted any colonies there : which fault^
while he liv'd, he could not' but be the worse for; yet all
could not have gone so ill, had he not committed the sixt,
to take from the Venetians their State; for if he had not J
enlarcfd the Churches territories nor brought the Spaniard [
into Italy, it had bin necessary to take them lower; but
having first taken those other courses, he should never have

THE PRINCE

CHAP. Ill given way to their destruction ; for while they had been
OfmixtPrin- strong, they would alwaies have kept the others off from
cipalities. venturing on the conquest of Lombardy. For the Venetians
would never have given their consents thereto, unless they
should have been made Lords of it themselves; and the
others would never have taken it from France, to give it
them : and then they would never have dar'd to go and set
upon them both together. And if any one should say, that
King Lewis yeelded Romania to Alexander, and the King-
dome of Naples to Spain, to avoid a war ; I answer with the :
weasons above alledged, that one should never suffer any /
vdisorder to follow, for avoiding of a war; for that war is \
not sav'd, but put off to thy disadvantage. And if any /
others argue, that the King had given his word to the Pope,
to do that exploit for him, for dissolving of his marriage,
and for giving the Cardinals Cap to him of Roan ; I answer
with that which hereafter I shall say touching Princes words,
how they ought to be kept. King Lewis then lost Lombardy,
for not having observed some of those termes which others
us'd, who have possessed themselves of countries, and desir'd
to keep them. Nor is this any strange thing, but very
ordinary and reasonable : and to this purpose I spake at
Nantes with that French Cardinal, when Valentine (for so
ordinarily was Caesar Borgia Pope Alexanders son calPd)
made himself master of Romania; for when the Cardinal
said to me, that the Italians understood not the feats of
war ; I answered, the Frenchmen understood not matters
of State : for had they been well vers'd therein, they would
never have suffered the Church to have grown to that
greatness. And by experience we have seen it, that the
power hereof in Italy, and that of Spain also, was caused by
France, and their own ruine proceeded from themselves.
From whence a general rule may be taken, which never, or

I very seldom fails, That he that gives the means to another to
become powerful, mines himself; for that power is caused by
V^iim either with his industry, or with his force ; and as
well the one as the other of these two is suspected

by him that is grown puissant.
272

THE PRINCE

CHAP. IV

Wherefore Darius his Kingdome taken by Alex
ander, rebelled not against Alexanders Successors
after his death.

j]HE difficulties being consider'd, which a
man hath in the maintaining of a State new
gotten, some might marvaile how it came
to pass, that Alexander the great sub
dued all Asia in a few years ; and having
hardly possessed himself of it, died ; where
upon it seemed probable that all that
State should have rebelled; nevertheless
his Successors kept the possession of it, nor found they other
difficulty in holding it, than what arose among themselves
through their own ambition. I answer, that all the Prin
cipalities whereof we have memory left us, have been
governed in two several manners ; either by a Prince, and
all the rest Vassals, who as ministers by his favor and allow
ance, do help to govern that Kingdom ; or by a Prince and
by Barons, who not by their Princes favor, but by the
antiquity of blood hold that degree. And these kinds of
Barons have both states of their own, and Vassals who
acknowledge them for their Lords ; and bare them a true
natural affection. Those States that are govenfd by a
Prince and by Vassals, have their Prince ruling over them
with more authority ; for in all his countrey, there is none
acknowledged for superior, but himself: and if they yeeld
obedience to any one else, it is but as to his minister and
officer, nor beare they him any particular good will. The
examples of these two different Governments now in our
dayes, are, the Turk, and the King of France. The Turks
whole Monarchy is governed by one Lord, and the rest are (\
all his Vassals; and dividing his whole Kingdom into divers J\ •
Sangiacques or Governments, he sends several thither, and
those he chops and changes, as he pleases. But the King
MM *73

CHAP. IV

Wherefore
Darius
rebelled not
against Alex
anders Suc
cessors after
his death.

THE PRINCE

of France is seated in the midst of a multitude of Lords,
who of old have been acknowledged for such by their subjects,
and being beloved by them, enjoy their preheminencies ; nor
can the King take their States from them without danger.
He then that considers the one and the other of these two
States, shall find difficulty in the conquest of the Turks
State ; but when once it is subdu'd, great facility to hold it.
The reasons of these difficulties in taking of the Turks
Kingdom from him, are, because the Invader cannot be
called in by the Princes of that Kingdom, nor hope by the
rebellion of those which he hath about him, to be able to
facilitate his enterprize: which proceeds from the reasons
aforesaid ; for they being all his slaves, and obliged to him,
can more hardly be corrupted ; and put case they were
corrupted, little profit could he get by it, they not being able
to draw after them any people, for the reasons we have
shewed : whereupon he that assails the Turk, must think to
find him united ; and must rather relie upon his own forces,
than in the others disorders : but when once he is overcome
and broken in the field, so that he cannot repair his armies,
there is nothing else to be doubted than the Royal blood,
which being once quite out, there is none else left to be
feard, none of the others having any credit with the people.
And as the conqueror before the victory could not hope in
them ; so after it, ought he not to fear them. The contrary
falls out in Kingdoms governed as is that of France : for it
is easie to be entered by the gaining of any Baron in the
Kingdom ; for there are alwaies some malecontents to be
found, and those that are glad of innovation. Those for
the reasons alledg'd are able to open thee a way into that
State, and to further thy victory, which afterwards to make
good to thee, draws with it exceeding many difficulties, as
well with those that have ayded thee, as those thou hast
supprest. Nor is it enough for thee to root out the Princes
race : for there remaine still those Lords who quickly will
be the ring-leaders of new changes ; and in case thou art
not able to content these, nor extinguish them, thou losest
that State, whensoever the occasion is offerd. Now if thou
274

NICHOLAS MACIIIAVELL

shalt consider what sort of government that of Darius was, CHAP. IV
thou shalt find it like to the Turks dominion, and therefore Wherefore
Alexander was necessitated first to defeat him utterly, I>ariu«
and drive him out of the field ; after which victory Darius reb^1gedAljot
being dead, that State was left secure to Alexander, for the ander^Sur"
reasons we treated of before : and his successors, had they cessors after
continued in amity, might have enjoy'd it at ease: nor ever his death,
arose there in that Kingdome other tumults, than those
they themselves stirM up. But of the States that are
ordered and grounded as that of France, it is impossible to
become master at such ease : and from hence grew the
frequent rebellions of Spain, France, and Greece against the
Romans, by reason of the many Principalities those States
had : whereof while the memory lasted, the Romans were
alwayes doubtfull of the possession of them ; but the
memory of them being quite wip't out, by the power and
continuance of the Empire, at length they enjoy 'd it
securely ; and they also were able afterwards fighting one
with another, each of one them to draw after them the
greater part of those provinces, according as their authority
had gain'd them credit therein : and that because the blood
of their ancient Lords was quite spent, they acknowledged no
other but the Romans. By the consideration then of these
things, no man will marvaile that Alexander had so little
trouble to keep together the State of Asia ; and that others
have had such great difficulties to maintain their conquest,
as Pyrrhus, and many others; which proceeds not from
the small or great' valour of the eonrjiierour, but
from the difference of the subject.

THE PRINCE

CHAP. V

In what manner Cities and Principalities are to be

govern 'd, which, before they were conquer'd, liv'd

under their own Laws.

HEN those States that are conquered, as it
is said, have been accustomed to live
under their own Laws, and in liberty —
there are three wayes for a man to hold
them. The first is to demolish all their\ —
strong places; the other, personally to goe/—
and dwell there; the third, to suffer themy-i, \
to live under their own Laws, drawings-
from them some tribute, and creating therein an Oligarchy,}-
that may continue it in thy service : for that State being
created by that Prince, knowes it cannot consist without
his aid and force, who is like to doe all he can to maintain
it ; and wif^ morp fafilif y is a City kept by meanes of her
own Citizens, which hath been usd before to live freeTtnan
by any other way of keeping. We have for example the
Spartans and the Romans ; the Spartans held Athens and
Thebes, creating there an Oligarchy : yet they lost it. The
Romans to be sure of Capua, Carthage, and Numantia, dis-
mantelPd them quite, and so lost them not : they would
have kept Greece as the Spartans had held them, leaving
them free, and letting them enjoy their own Laws; and it
prospered not with them : so that they were forcYl to
deface many Cities of that province to hold it. For in truth
there is not a surer way to keep them under, than by;-*
demolishments ; and whoever becomes master of a City us'd ' —
to live free, and dismantells it not, let him look himselfe to
\ bee ruin'd by it; for it alwayes in time of rebellion takes
the name of liberty for refuge, and the ancient orders it
had ; which neither by length of time, nor for any favours
afforded them, are ever forgotten ; and for any thing that
can be done, or ordered, unlesse the inhabitants be disunited
276

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

and dispersed, that name is never forgotten, nor those CHAP. V
customes : but presently in every chance recourse is thither In what
made: as Pisa did after so many yeeres that she had been manner Cities
subdu'd by the Florentines. But when the Cities or the "M ?rinci"
Provinces are accustomed to live under a Prince, and that
whole race is quite extirpated : on one part being us\l to
obey ; on the other, not having their old Prince ; they agree
not' to make one from among themselves : they know not
how to live in liberty, in such manner that they are much
slower to take armes ; and with more facility may a Prince
gaine them, and secure himselfe of them. But in Repub-
liques there is more life in them, more violent hatred, more
earnest desire of revenge; nor does the remembrance of —
the ancient liberty ever leave them, or suffer them —
to rest ; so that the safest way, is, either to ruine —
them, or dwell among them. —

CHAP. VI

Of new Principalities, that are conquer'd by ones
own armes and valour.

KT no man marvaile, if in the discourse I
shall make of new Principalities, both
touching a Prince, and touching a State,
I shall alledge very famous examples: for
seeing men almost alwayes walk in the
pathes beaten by others, and proceed in
their actions by imitation ; and being
that others waves cannot bee exactly fol-
low'd, nor their vertues, whose patterne thou set's t before
thee, attained unto ; a w_be-mAn~ ought alwayesjo tread the
footsteps of the worthiest persons, and imitate those that^
have been the most excellent: to the end that if his vertue-^
arrive not thereto, at least it may yeeld some favour thereof,
and doe as good Archers use, who thinking the place they
intend to hit, too farre distant, and knowing how farr the
strength of their bow will carrv, they lav their avme a great

THE PRINCE

CHAP. VI deale higher than the mark ; not for to hit so high with their
Of new Prin- arrow, but to bee able with the help of so high an aime to
cipalities, that reach the place they shoot at. I say, that in Principalities
are conquer'd wno}ly new, where there is a new Prince, there is more and
armeTaiuT11 ^esse difficulty in maintaining them, as the vertue of their
valour. Conquerour is greater or lesser. And because this successe,

to become a Prince of a private man, presupposes either
vertue, or fortune ; mee thinks the one and other of these
two things in part should mitigate many difficulties ; how
ever he that hath lesse stood upon fortune, hath maintained
himselfe the better. Moreover it somewhat facilitates the
matter in that the Prince is constrained, because he hath not
other dominions, in person to come and dwell there. But
to come to these who by their own vertues, and not by
fortune, attained to be Princes; the excellentest of these are
Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and such like; and though
of Moses we are not to reason, he onely executing the things
that were commanded him by God ; yet merits he well to be
admired, were it only for that grace that made him worthy
to converse with God. But considering Cyrus, and the
others, who either got or founded Kingdomes, we shall find
them all admirable ; and if there particular actions and
Lawes be throughly weighed, they will not appeare much
differing from those of MoVses, which he received from so
Sovraigne an instructer. And examining their lives and
actions, it will not appeare, that they had other help of
fortune, than the occasion, which presented them with the
matter wherein they might introduce what forme they then
pleas'd ; and without that occasion, the vertue of their mind
had been extinguished ; and without that vertue, the
occasion had been offered in vaine. It was then necessary
for Moses to find the people of Israel slaves in ^gypt, and
oppressed by the ^Egyptians, to the end that they to get
out of their thraldome, should bee willing to follow him.
It was fit that Romulus should not be kept in Albia, but
exposed presently after his birth, that he might become
King of Rome, and founder of that City. There was need
that Cyms should find the Persians discontented with the
278

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

Medcs government, and the Medes delicate and effeminate CHAT. VI
through their long peace. Theseus could not "makV proof Of new Prin-
of his vertue, had not he found the Athenians dispersed. cipalitieH.that
These occasions therefore made these men happy, andtheir nre c<m<llH'r>(1
excellent vertue made the occasion be taken notice of, ^^Uml*
whereby their countrey became enobled, and exceeding valour,
fortunate. They, who by vertuous waies, like unto these,
become Princes, attain the Principality with difficulty, but
hold it with much ease; and the difficulties they find in
gaining the Principality, arise partly from the new orders
and courses they are force! to bring in, to lay the founda
tion of their State, and work their own security. And it is
to be considered, how there is not any thing harder to take
in hand, nor doubtfuller to succeed, nor more dangerous to
mannage, than to be the chief in bringing in new orders;
for this Chief finds all those his enemies, that thrive upon
the old orders; and hath but luke warme defenders of all
those that would do well upon the new orders, which luke-
warme temper proceeds partly from fear of the opposcrs
who have the laws to their advantage; partly from the in
credulity of the men who truly beleeve not a new thing,
unless there be some certain proof given them thereof*
Whereupon it arises, that whensoever they that are adver
saries, take the occasion to assay le, they do it factiously ;
and these others defend but cooly, so that their whole-
party altogether runs a hazzard. Therefore it is necessary,
being we intend throughly to discourse this part, to examine
if these innovators stand of themselves, or if they depend
upon others; that is, if to bring their work to effect, it be
necessary they should intreat, or be able to constrain; in
the first case they allwayes succeed ill, and bring nothing to
pass ; but when they depend of themselves, and are able to
force, then seldom it is that they hazzard. Hence came it
that all the prophets that were annM, prevajl'd ; but those
that were unarm Yl, were too weak : for tasides what we
have alledg'd, the nature of the people is changeable, and
easie to be perswaded to a matter ; out it is hard also to
settle them in that pcrswasion. And therefore it behoves

279

THE PRINCE

CHAP. VI a man to be so provided, that when they beleeve no longer,
Of new Prin- he may be able to compel them thereto by force. Moses,
cipalities,that Cyrus, Theseus, and Romulus would never have been able
are conquer'd to cause their Laws long to be obey'd, had they been dis-
by ones own . -. . .. •I_IPIT< T o i

armes and arm d ; as in our times it befel 1 ryer Jerome bavanarola,

valour. who perished in his new constitutions, when the multitude

began not to beleeve him ; neither had he the means to keep
them firme, that had beleevM; not to force beleefe in them
that had not beleev'd him. Wherefore such men as these,
in their proceedings find great difficulty, and all their
dangers are in the way, and these they must surmount by
their vertue ; but having once mastered them, and beginning
to be honored by all, when they have rooted those out that
envi'd their dignities, they remain powerful, secure, honor
able, and happy. To these choice examples, I will add
one of less remark ; but it shall hold some proportion with
them, and this shall suffice me for all others of this kind,
which is Hiero the Siracusan. He of a private man, became
Prince of Siracusa, nor knew he any other ayd of fortune
than the occasion : for the Siracusans being oppressed, made
choyce of him for their Captain, whereupon he deserved to
be made their Prince : and he was of such vertue even in
his private fortune, that he who writes of him, sayes,
he wanted nothing of reigning, but a Kingdom ; this
man extinguished all the old soldiery, ordaind the new;
left the old allyances, entertained new ; and as he had
friendship, and soldiers that were his own, upon that
ground he was able to build any edifice; so that
he indured much trouble in gaining, and suffered
but little in maintaining.

280

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

CHAP. VII

Of new Principalities, gotten by fortune, and
other mens forces.

HEY who by fortune only, become Princes
of private men, with small pains attain
to it, but have much ado to maintain
themselves in it; and find no difficulty at
all in the way, because they are carried
thither with wings : but all the difficulties
arise there, after they are plac'd in them.
And of such sort are those who have an
estate given them for money, by the favor of some one
that grants it them : as it befell many in Greece, in the
cities of Jonia, and Hellespont; where divers Princes were
made by Darius, as well for his own safety as his glory ; as
also them that were made Emperors ; who from private
men by corrupting the soldiers, attaind to the Empire.
These subsist meerly upon the will, and fortune of tnose
that have advanced them; which are two voluble and un
steady things ; and they neither know how, nor are able to
continue in that dignity: they know not how, because
unless it be a man of great understanding and vertue, it is
not probable that he who hath always liv'd a private life,
can know how to command : neither are they able, because
they have not any forces that can be friendly or faithful to
them. Moreover those States that suddenly fall into a
mans hands, as all other things in nature that spring and
grow quickly, cannot well have taken root, nor have made
their correspondencies so firm, but that the first storm that
takes them, ruines them ; in case these, who (as it is said)
are thus on a sudden clambred up to be Princes, are not of
that worth and vertue as to know how to prepare them
selves to maintain that which chance hath cast into their
bosoms, and am afterwards lay those foundations, which
others have cast before they were Princes. For the one and
NN #"

cipalities,
gotten by
fortune, and
other mens
forces.

THE PRINCE

Y CHAP. VII the other of these wayes about the attaining to be a Prince,
Of new Prin- by Vertue, or by Fortune, I will alledge you two examples
which have been in the dayes of our memory. These were
Francis Sforza, and Ca?sar Borgia; Francis by just means
and with a great deal of vertue, of a private man got to be
Duke of Millan ; and that which with much pains he had
gaind, he kept with small ado. On the other side Caesar
Borgia (commonly termed Duke Valentine) got his state by
his Fathers fortune, and with the same lost it ; however that
for his own part no pains was spar'd, nor any thing omitted,
which by a discreet and valorus man ought to have been
done, to fasten his roots in those Estates, which others
armes or fortune had bestowed on him ; for (as it was for
merly said) he that lays not the foundations first, yet might be
able by means of his extraordinary vertues to lay them after
wards, however it be with the great trouble of the architect,
and danger of the edifice. If therefore we consider all the
Dukes progresses, we may perceive how great foundations
he had cast for his future power, which I judge a matter not
superfluous to run over; because I should not well know,
what better rules I might give to a new Prince, than the
pattern of his actions; and however the courses he took,
availd him not, yet was it not his fault, but it proceeded
from an extraordinary and extream malignity of fortune.
Pope Alexander the sixt, desiring to make the Duke his son
a great man, had a great many difficulties, present and
future : first he saw no way there was whereby he might be
able to make him Lord of any State, that was not the
Churches ; and if he turnd to take that from the Church,
he knew that the Duke of Milan, and the Venetians would
never agree to it ; for Faenza and Riminum were under the
Venetians protection. Moreover, he saw that the armes of
Italy, and those whereof in particular he might have been
able to make some use, were in their hands, who ought to
fear the Popes greatness ; and therefore could not any wayes
rely upon them : being all in the Orsins and Colonies hands,
and those of their faction. It was necessary then, that those
matters thus appointed by them should be disturbed, and
282

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

the States of Italy disordered, to be able safely to master CHAP. VII
part of them, which he then found easie to do, seeing the Of new I'rin-
Venetians upon three considerations had us'd the means to cipalitie*,
bring the French men back again into Italy : which he not J^*"^^
only did not withstand, but furthered, with a resolution of other n,'eng
King Lewis his ancient marriage. The King then past into forces.
Italy with the Venetians ayd, and Alexanders consent ; nor
was'he sooner arrived in Milan, than the Pope had soldiers
from him for the service of Romania, which was quickly
yeelded up to him upon the reputation of the Kings forces.
The Duke then having made himself master of Romania,
and beaten the Colonies, desiring to hold it, and proceed
forward, two things hindered him : the one, his own
soldiers, which he thought were not true to him ; the other,
the French mens good wills; that is to say, he feared that
the Princes soldiers, whereof he had served himself, would
fail him, and not only hinder his conquest, but take from
him what he had gotten ; and that the King also would
serve him the same turn. He had experience of the Orsini
upon an occasion, when after the taking of Faenza he
assaulted Bolonia, to which assault he saw them go very
cold. And touching the King, he discovered his mind,
when having taken the Dutchy of Urbin, he invaded
Tuscany; from which action the King made him retire;
whereupon the Duke resolved to depend no more upon
fortune, and other mens armes. And the first thing he
did, was, to weaken the Orsini, and Colonnics factions
in Rome: for he gain'd all their adherents that were
gentlemen, giving them large allowances, and honoring
them according to their qualities with charges and govern
ments ; so that in a few months the good will
bare to the parties was quite extinguisht, and wholly
bent to the Duke. After this, he waited an occasion to
root out the Orsini, having before dispersed those of the
family of Colonnia, which fell out well to his hand ; and he
us\l it better. For the Orsini being too late aware, that
the Dukes and the Churches greatness was their destruction,
held a Council together in a dwelling house of theirs in the

CHAP. VII

Of new Prin
cipalities,
gotten by
fortune, and
other mens
forces.

THE PRINCE

country adjoyning to Perusia. From thence grew the
rebellion of Urbin, and the troubles of Romania, and many
other dangers befell the Duke, which he overcame all with
the help of the French : and having regained his reputation,
trusting neither France, nor any forrein forces, to the end
he might not be put to make trial of them again, he betook
himself to his sleghts ; and he knew so well to disguise his
intention, that the Orsins, by the mediation of Paul Orsine,
were reconciled to him, to whom the Duke was no way
wanting in all manner of courtesies whereby to bring them
into security, giving them rich garments, money, and horses,
til their own simplicities led them all to Sinigallia, into his
hands. These heads being then pluck'd off, and their
partisans made his friends ; the Duke had laid very good
foundations, to build his own greatness on, having in his
power all Romania with the Dutchy of Urbin, and gained
the hearts of those people, by beginning to give them some
relish of their well being. And because this part is worthy
to be taken notice of, and to be imitated by others, I will
not let it escape. The Duke, when he had taken Romania,
finding it had been under the hands of poor Lords who had
rather pillag'd their subjects, than chastis'd or amended
them, giving them more cause of discord, than of peace and
union, so that the whole countrey was fraught with robberies,
quarrels, and other sorts of insolencies ; thought the best
way to reduce them to termes of pacification, and obedience
to a Princely power, was, to give them some good govern
ment : and therefore he set over them one Remiro D'Orco,
a cruel hasty man, to whom he gave an absolute power.
This man in a very short time setled peace and union
amongst them with very great reputation. Afterwards the
Duke thought such excessive authority servM not so well to
his purpose, and doubting it would grow odious, he erected
a civil Judicature in the midst of the countrey, where one
excellent Judge did Preside, and thither every City sent
their Advocate : and because he knew the rigors past had
bred some hatred against him, to purge the minds of those
people, and to gain them wholly to himself, he purposed to
284

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

shew, that if there was any cruelty used, it proceeded not CHAP. VII
from any order of his, but from the harsh disposition of his Of new Prin-
Officers. Whereupon laying hold on him, at this occasion, cipalitict,

he causM his head to be struck off one morning early in the £otten '•>'

iii • /-I i i i ft. -i i j fortune, :iiul

market place at Cesena, where he was left upon a gibbet, otlu>r mji|lM

with a bloody sword by his side ; the cruelty of which furre*.
spectacle for a while satisfied and amazYl those people. Hut
to return from whence we have digressd : I say, that the
Duke finding himself very strong, and in part out of doubt
of the present dangers, because he was arm\l after his own
manner, and had in some good measure suppressed those forces,
which, because of their vicinity, were able to annoy him, he
wanted nothing else to go on with his Conquest, but the
consideration of France: for he knew, that the King, who
now, though late, was advis'd of his error, would never suffer
him : and hereupon he began to seek after new allyances,
and to waver with France, when the French came towards
Naples against the Spaniards, who then besieged Gagetta ;
and his design was only to be out of their clanger, which had
been effected for him, had Pope Alexander lived. And thus
were his businesses carried touching his present estate. As
for the future, he had reason to doubt lest the new successor
to the Papacy would not be his friend, and would endeavor
to take that from him that Alexander had bestowed on him ;
and he thought to provide for this foure waies : First by
rooting out the races of all those Lords he had dispoyled,
whereby to take those occasions from the Pope. Secondly,
by gaining all the gentlemen of Home, whereby he might
be able with those to keep the Pope in some awe. Thirdly,
to make the Colledge of Cardinals as much at his devotion
as possibly might be. Fourthly, by making of so large Con
quests, before the Popes death, as that he might bo able of
himself to withstand the first fury of his enemies. Three of
these fowre at Pope Alexanders death he had effected, and
the fourth he had neare brought to a point. For of those
Lords he had stript, he put to death as many as lie could
come at, and very few escaped him : he gaind him the
Roman Gentlemen: and in the Colledge he had made a

585

CHAP. VII

Of new Prin
cipalities,
gotten by
fortune, and
other mens
forces.

THE PRINCE

great faction. And touching his new Conquest, he had a
designe to become Lord of Tuscany. And he had possessed
himself already of Perusia, and Pom bin, and taken protection
of Pisa : and so soon as he should have cast off his respect
to France (which now he meant to hold no longer) being
the French were now driven out of the Kingdome of Naples
by the Spaniards, so that each of them was forc'd to buy his
friendship at any termes; he was then to leap into Pisa.
After this Lucca and Siena were presently to fall to him,
partly for envy to the Florentines, and partly for fear. The
Florentines had no way to escape him : all which, had it
succeeded with him, as without question it had, the very
same year that Alexander dy'd, he had made himself master
of so great forces, and such "reputation, that he would have
been able to have stood upon his own bottom, without any
dependance of fortune, or resting upon others helps, but
only upon his own strength and valor. But Alexander dy'd
five years after that he had begun to draw forth his sword :
and left him setled only in the State of Romania, with all
his other designes in the ayre, sick unto death, between two
very strong armies of his enemies ; and yet was there in
this Duke such a spirit and courage ; and he understood so
well, how men are to be gaind, and how to be lost, and so
firm were the grounds he had laid in a short time, that, had
he not had those armies upon his back, or had been in
health, he would have carried through his purpose in spight
of all opposition ; and that the foundations he grounded
upon were good, it appeard in that Romania held for him
above a moneth, and he remained secure in Rome, though
even at deaths doore : and however the Baglioni, Vitelli, and
Orsini came into Rome ; yet found they none would take
their parts against him. And this he was able to have
effected, that if he could not have made him Pope whom he
would, he could have hindred him that he would not should
be Pope. But had he been in health when Alexander dy'd,
every thing had gone easily with him ; and he told me on
that day that Julius the second was created Pope, that he
had fore-thought on all that which could happen, in case his
286

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

father chancM to dye, and for every thing provided its CHAP. VII
remedy, this onely excepted, that he foresaw not that he Ofnewl'rin-
himself should at the same time be brought unto deaths cipalitie*,
dore also. Having then collected all the Dukes actions, £»tte" b)'
me thinks I could not well blame him, but rather (as I have *$
here done) set him as a pattern to be followed by all those force8.
who by fortune and others armes have been exalted to an
Empire. For he being of great courage, and having lofty
designes, could not carry himself otherwise ; and the only
obstacle of his purposes was the brevity of Alexanders life,
and his own sickness. Whoever therefore deemes it necessary -^
in his entrance into a new Principality, to secure himself of
his enemies, and gain him friends, to overcome either by
force, or by cunning, to make himself beloved, or feared
of his people, be followed and reverenced by his soldiers,
to root out those that can, or owe thee any hurt, to change
the ancient orders with new wayes, to be severe, and yet
acceptable, magnanimous, and liberall ; to extinguish the
unfaithfull soldiery, and create new ; to maintain to himself
the armities of Kings and Princes, so that they shall either
with favor benefit thee, or be wary how to offend thee ; cannot
find more fresh and lively examples than the actions of this
man. He deserves to be found fault withall for the creation
of Julius the second, wherein an evil choice was made for
him : for, as it is said, not being able to make a Pope to his
mind, he could have withheld any one from being Pope; and
should never have consented that any one of those Cardinals
should have got the Papacy, whom he had ever done harine
to; or who having attaind the Pontificate were likely to be
afraid of him : because men ordinarily do hurt either for
fear, or hatred. Those whom he had offended, were among
others, he who had the title of St. Peter ad Vincula, Colonna,
St. George, and Ascanius; all the others that were in
possibility of the Popedome, were such as might have feard
him rather, except the Cardinal of Koan,and the Spaniards ;
these by reason of their allyance and obligation with him,
the other because of the power they had, having the King-
dome of France on their party ; wherefore the Duke above

287

cipalities,
gotten by

forces.

THE PRINCE

CHAP. VII all things should have created a Spanyard Pope, and in case
OfnewPrin- he could not have done that, he should have agreed that
Roan should have been, and not St. Peter ad Vincula. And
whoever beleeves, that with great personages new benefits
^ot on ^e remembrance of old injuries, is much deceived.
The Duke therefore in this election, was the cause of his
own ruine at last.

Till wee come to this seaventh Chapter, I find not any thing
much blame-worthy, unlesse it be on ground he layes in the
second Chapter ; whereupon hee builds most of this Fabrick, viz.
That Subjects must either be dallyed or flatterd withall, or quite
crusht. AVhereby our Author advises his Prince to support
his authority with two Cardinall Vertues, Dissimulation, arid
Cruelty. He considers not herein that the head is but a member
of the body, though the principall ; and the end of the parts is
the good of the whole. And here he goes against himselfe in
the twenty sixt Chapter of his Rep. 1. 1. where hee blames
Philip of Macedon for such courses, terming them very cruell,
and against all Christian manner of living ; and that every man
should refuse to be a King, and desire rather to live a private
life, than to reigne so much to the ruine of mankind. The life
of Csesar Borgia, which is here given as a paterne to new Princes,
we shall find to have been nothing else but a cunning carriage
of things so, that he might thereby first deceive and inveigle,
and then suppresse all those that could oppose or hinder his
ambition. For if you runne over his life, you shall seethe Father
Pope Alexander the sixt and him, both imbarqued for his ad
vancement, wherein they engag'd the Papall authority, and
reputation of Religion ; for faith and conscience these men never
knew, though they exacted it of others : there was never promise
made, but it was only so farre kept as servd for advantage ;
Liberality was made use of: Clemency and Cruelty, all alike,
as they might serve to worke with their purposes. All was
sacrific'd to ambition ; no friendship could tye these men, nor any
religion: and no marvell: for ambition made them forget both
God and man. But see the end of all this cunning : though
this Caesar Borgia contrived all his businesse so warily, that our
Author much commends him, and hee had attaind neerethe pitch
of his hopes, and had provided for each misadventure could
befall him its remedy ; Policy shewd it selefe short-sighted ; for
hee foresaw not at the time of his Fathers death, he himself
should bee brought unto deaths doore also. And me thinks this
Example might have given occasion to our Author to confesse,
that surely there is a God that ruleth the earth. And many
288

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

times God cutts off those cunning and mighty men in the hight CHAP VII

of their purposes, when they think they have neare surmounted nf ., .

all dangers and difficulties. 'To the intent that the living may

' know, that the most high ruleth in the Kingdome of men, and ' '

' ffiveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest ?°"*n bv

'of men.' Daniel. 4. 17-

other ii

forces.

CHAP. VIII

Concerning those who by wicked meanes have
attaind to a Principality.

UT because a man becomes a Prince of a
private man two wayes, which cannot
wholly be attributed either to Fortune or
Vertue, I think not fit to let them passe
me : howbeit the one of them may be
more largely discoursed upon, where the
Republicks are treated of. These are,
when by some wicked and unlawful!
meanes a man rises to the Principality ; or when a private
person by the favour of his fellow Citizens becomes Prince
of his countrey. And speaking of the first manner, it
shall be made evident by two Examples, the one ancient,
the other moderne, without entring otherwise into the
justice or merit of this part; for I take it that these
are sufficient for any body that is forced to follow them.
Agathocles the Sicilian, not of a private man onely, but
from a base and abject fortune, got to be King of Siracusa.
This man borne but of a Potter, continued alwayes a
wicked life throughout all the degrees of this fortune :
neverthelesse he accompanied his lewdnesse with such a
courage and resolution, that applying himselfe to military
affaires, by the degrees thereof he attained to bee Pnrtour
of Siracusa, and being setled in that degree, and having
determined that he would become Prince, and hold that by-"
violence and without obligation to any other, which by —
consent had been granted him : and to this purpose haveing
had some private intelligence touching his designe with
00

Concerning
those who
by wicked
meanes have
attaind to a
Principality.

THE PRINCE

CHAP. VIII Amilcar the Carithaginian, who was imployd with his
army in Sicily, one morining gatherd the people together
and the Senate of Syracusa, as if he had some what to
advise with them of matters belonging to the Common
wealth, and upon a signe given, causM his souldiers to kill-
his Senatours, and the richest of the people; who being -
slaine, he usurped the Principality of that City without any
civill strife : and however he was twice broken by the
Carthaginians, and at last besieged, was able not onely to
defend his own City, but leaving part of his own army at
the defence thereof, with the other invaded Affrique, and in
a short time freed Siracusa from the siege, and brought the
Carthaginians into extreme necessity, who were constraind
to accord with him, be contented with the possession of
Affrique, and quitt Sicily to Agathocles, He then that
should consider the actions and valour of this man, would
not see any, or very few things to be attributed unto
Fortune; seeing that as is formerly sayd, not by any ones
favour, but by the degrees of service in warre with many
sufferings and dangers, to which he had risen, he came to
the Principality ; and that hee maintaned afterwards with
-so many resolute and hazardous undertakings. Yet cannot
this be ternfd vertue or valour to slay his own Citizens,
betray his friends, to be without faith, without pitty,
without religion, which wayes are of force to gaine dominion,
but not glory : for if Agathocles his valour bee well weighd,
in his entunng upon, and comming off from dangers, and
the greatnesse of his courage, in supporting and mastering
of adversities, no man can see why he should be thought
any way inferiour even to the ablest Captaines. Notwith
standing his beastly cruelty and inhumanity with innumer
able wickednesses, allow not that he should be celebrated
among the most excellent men. That cannot then be
attributed to Fortune or Vertue, which without the one or
•^the other was attaind to by him. In our dayes, while
Alexander the sixth held the sea, Oliverotte of Fermo, who
some few yeeres before had been left young by his parents,
was brought up under the care of an uncle of his on the
290

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

mothers side, called John Foliani, and in the beginning of CHAR VIII
Ills youth given, by him to serve in the warres under Paulo Concerning
Vitelli : to the end that being well instructed in that dis- those who

cinline, he might rise to some worthy degree in the warrs. l>>' wlckPd

i T-k i i j i j j \"i 11 nioaries have

Afterwards when Paulo was dead, he served under \ itellozzo attailld to a

his brother, and in very short time, being ingenious, of a Principality,
good personage, and brave courage, he became one of the
prime men among the troops he served in : but thinking
it but servile to depend upon another, he plotted by the
ayd of some Citi/ens of Fermo (who lik'd rather the
thraldome of their City than the liberty of it) and by the
favour of the Vitelli, to make himselfe master of Fermo ;
and writ to John Foliani, that having been many yeeres
from home, he had a mind to come and see him and the
City, and in some part take notice of his own patrimony;
and because he had not imployd himselfe but to purchase
honour, to the end his Citi/ens might perceive, that he had
not vainely spent his time, he had a desire to come in good
equipage and accompanied with a hundred horse of his friends
and servants; and he intreated him that he would be pleasd
so to take order, that he might be honourably received by
the inhabitants of Fermo, which turnd as well to his
honor that was his uncle, as his that was the nephew. In
this, John faild not in any office of courtesie due to his
nephew: and caused him to be well receivd by them of
Fermo, and lodged him in his own house: where having
passed some dayes, and stayd to put in order somewhat that
was necessary for his intended villany, he made a very
solemne feast, whether he invited John* Foliani, and all the
prime men of Fermo : and when all their chear was ended,
and all their other entertainments, as in such feast
is customary, Oliverotto of purpose mov'd some grave
discourses; speaking of the greatnesse of Pope Alexander,
and Ciesar his son, and their undertakings; where unto John
and the others milking answer, he of a sudden stood up,
saving, that those were things to be spoken of in a more
secret place, and so retirM into a chamber, whether John and
all the other Citi/ens followd him : nor were they sooner

291

CHAP. VIII

Concerning
those who
by wicked
meanes have
attaind to a
Principality.

THE PRINCE

set downe there, than from some secret place therein came
forth diverse souldiers, who slew John and all the others :
after which homicide Oliverotto got a horsebacke and —
ravaged the whole towne, and besieged the supreme Magis-— •
trate in the palace, so that for feare they were all constraind
to obey him, and to settle a government, whereof hee made
himselfe Prince ; and they being all dead who, had they—
been discontented with him, could have hurt him; he —
strengthned himselfe with new civill and military orders,
so that in the space of a yeer that he held the Principality,
he was not only secure in the City of Fermo, but became
fearefull to all his neighbours ; and the conquest of him — ~
would have prov'd difficult, as that of Agathocles, had he
not let himselfe been deceivd by Caesar Borgia, when at
Sinigallia, as before was said, he took the Orsini and
Vitelli : where he also being taken a yeere after he
had committed the parricide, was strangled together
with Vitellozzo (whome he had had for master both
of his vertues and vices.) Some man might doubt from
whence it should proceed, that Agathocles, and such
like, after many treacheries and crueltyes, could possibly
live long secure in his own countrey, and defend him
selfe from his forrein enemies, and that never any of his
own Citizens conspired against him, seeing that by means of
cruelty, many others have never been able even in peaceable
times to maintaine their States, much lesse in the doubtfull
times of warre. I beleeve that this proceeds from the well,
or ill using of those cruelties : they may bee termd well
us'd (if it bee lawfull to say well of evill) that are put in
practice only once of necessity for securities sake, not insist
ing therein afterwards; but there is use made of them for
the subjects profit, as much as may be. But those that are
ill us\l, are such as though they bee but few in the begin
ning, yet they multiply rather in time, than diminish.
They that take that first way, may with the help of God,
and mens care, find some remedy for their State, as
Agathocles did : for the others, it is impossible they should
continue. Whereupon it is to be noted, that in the laying

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

hold of a State, the usurper thereof ought to runne over CHAP. VIII
and execute all his cruelties at once, that he be not forced-*' oncerning
often to returne to them, and that he may be able, by noM^0** who
renewing of them, to give men some security, and gaine their-l'> wu'kl'tl
affections by doing them some courtesies. Hee that carrics-^^,^ to a
it otherwise, either for fearefullnesse, or upon evill advice, is Principality,
alwayes constraind to hold his sword drawne in his hand \'
nor ever can hee rely upon his subjects, there being no
possibility for them, because of his daily and contimiall
injuries, to live in any safety : for his injuries should bee
done altogether, that being seldomer tasted, they might
lesse offend ; his favours should bee bestowd by little, and
little to the end they might keep their taste the better^
and above all things a Prince must live with his subjects in
such sort, that no accident either of good or evill can
make him varv : for necessity comming upon him by reason
of adversities, thou hast not time given thee to make advan
tage of thy cruelties ; and the favours which then thou
bestowest, will little help thee, being taken as if
they came from thee perforce, and so yeeld no
returne of thanks.

CHAP. IX

Of the Civill Principality.

UT comming to the other part, when a
principall Citizen, not by villany, or
any other insufferable violence, but by
the favour of his fellow-citizens becomes
Prince of his native countrev : which we
may terme a Civill Principality ; nor to
attaine hereunto is Vertue wholly or
Fortune wholly necessary, but rather a
fortunate cunning : I say, this Principality is climb'd up to,
either by the peoples help, or the great mens. For, in
every City we finde these two humours differ; and tin -y

THE PRINCE

CHAP. IX spring from this, that the people desire not to be com-
Of the Civill manded nor oppressed by the great ones, and the great ones
Principality, are desirous to command and oppresse the people : and from
these two several appetites, arise in the City one of these
three effects, either a Principality, or Liberty, or Tumult
uary licentiousnesse. The Principality is caused either by
the people, or the great ones, according as the one or other
of these factions have the occasion offerd ; for the great
ones seeing themselves not able to resist the people, begin
to turne the whole reputation to one among them, and
make him Prince, whereby they may under his shadow vent
their spleenes. The people also, not being able to support
the great mens insolencies, converting the whole reputation
to one man, create him their Prince, to be protected by his
authority. He that comes to the Principality by the assist
ance of the great ones, subsists with more difficulty, than he
that attaines to it by the peoples favour ; for he being made
Prince, hath many about him, who account themselves his
equalls, and therefore cannot dispose nor command them at
his pleasure. But he that gaines the Principality by the
peoples favor, finds himselfe alone in his throne, and hath
none or very few neare him that are not very supple to
bend : besides this, the great ones cannot upon easie termes
be satisfied, or without doing of wrong to others, where as a
small matter contents the people : for the end which the
people propound to themselves, is more honest than that of
the great men, these desiring to oppresse, they only not to
be oppressed. To this may be added also, that the Prince
which is the peoples enemy, can never well secure himselfe
of them, because of their multitude ; well may hee bee sure
of the Nobles, they being but a few. The worst that a
Prince can look for of the people become his enemy, is to be
abandoned by them : but when the great ones once grow his
enemies, he is not only to feare their abandoning of him, but
their making of a party against him also : for there being in
them more forecast and craft, they alwayes take time by the
forelocks whereby to save themselves, and seeke credit with
him who they hope shall get the mastery. The Prince
294

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

likewise is necessitated al waves to live with the same people, CHAP IX
but can doe well enough without the same great men; he Of the ( ivill
being able to create new ones, and destroy them again every Principality,
day, and to take from them, and give them credit as he
pleases : and to cleare this part, I say, that great men ought
to be considerd two wayes principally, that is, if thev take
thy proceedings so much to heart, as to engage their for
tunes wholly in thine, in case they lye not alwaves catching
at spoyle, they ought to be well honourd and esteem'd :
those that bind themselves not to thy fortune, are to be
considerd also two wayes; either they doe it for lack of
courage, and naturall want of spirit, and then shouldst thou
serve thy selfe of them, and of them especially that are men
of good advice ; for if thy affaires prosper, thou dost thy selfe
honour thereby ; if crost, thou needst not feare them : but
when they oblige not themselves to thee of purpose, and
upon occasion of ambition, it is a signe thev think more of
themselves than of thee: and of these the 'Prince ought to
beware, and account of them as his discoverd enemves : for
alwayes in thy adversity they will give a hand too to mine
thee. Therefore ought hee that comes to be Prince by the
peoples favour, keepe them his friends : which he may easily
doe, they desiring only to live free from oppression : but he
that becomes Prince by the great mens favour, against the
will of the people, ought above all things to gaine the
people to him, which he may easily effect, when he takes
upon him their protection: And because men when thev
find good, where they look for evill, are thereby more
endered to their benefactour, therefore growes the people so
pliant in their subjection to him, as if by their favours he
had attaind his dignity. And the Prince is able to gaine
them to his side by many waves, which because they vary
according to the subject, no certaine rule can be given
thereupon; wherefore we shall let them passe I will onlv
conclude, that it is necessary for a Prince to have the
people his friend ; otherwise in his adversities he hath no
helpe. Nabis Prince of the Spartans supported the siege of
all Greece, and an exceeding victorious army of the Komnns,

295

THE PRINCE

CHAP. IX and against those defended his native countrey and State,
OftheCivill and this sufficed him alone, that as the danger came upon
Principality, him, he secured himself of a fewer; whereas if the people
had been his enemy, this had nothing availd him. And let
no man think to overthrow this my opinion with that
common proverb, that He who relyes upon the people, layes
his foundation in the dirt ; for that is true where a private
Citizen grounds upon them, making his account that the
people shall free him, when either his enemyes or the
Magistrates oppresse him : In this case he should find him
self often deceived, as it befell the Gracchyes in Rome, and in
Florence George Scali : but he being a Prince that grounds
thereupon, who can command, and is a man of courage, who
hath his wits about him in his adversityes, and wants not
other preparations, and holds together the whole multitude
animated with his valour and orders, shall not prove deceived
by them, and shall find he hath layd good foundations.
These Principalityes are wont to be upon the point of
falling when they goe about to skip from the civil order to
the absolute : for these Princes either command of them
selves, or by the Magistrate ; in this last case their State is
more weak and dangerous, because they stand wholly at the
will and pleasure of these Citizens, who then are set over
the Magistrates, who especially in adverse times are able
with facility to take their State from them either by rising
up against them, or by not obeying them; and then the
Prince is not at hand in those dangers to take the absolute
authority upon him : for the Citizens and subjects that are
accustomed to receive the commands from the Magistrates,
are not like in those fractions to obey his : and in doubtfull
times he shall alwayes have greatest penury of whom he
may trust; for such a Prince cannot ground upon that
which he sees in peaceable times, when the Citizens have
need of the State ; for then every one runs, and every one
promises, and every one will venture his life for him, when
there is no danger neare ; but in times of hazzard, when the
State hath need of Citizens, there are but few of them then,
and so much the more is this experience dangerous, in that
296

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

it can be but once made. Therefore a prudent Prince CHAP. IX
ought to devise a way whereby his Citizens alwayes and [OftheCmll
in any case and quality of time may have need Principality.
of his government, and they shall alwaies after
prove faithfull to him.

CHAP. X

In what manner the Forces of all Principalities
ought to be measured.

T is requisite in examining the quality of
those Principalities, to have another con
sideration of them, that is, if a Prince
have such dominions, that he is able in
case of necessity to subsist of himself, or
else whether he hath alwaies need of
another to defend him. And to deer
this point the better, I judge them able
to stand of themselves, who are of power either for their
multitudes of men, or quantity of money, to bring into the
field a compleat armie, and joyn battel with whoever comes
to assail them : and so I think those alwaies to stand in
need of others help, who are not able to appear in the field
against the enemy, but are forc'd to retire within their
walls and guard them. Touching the first case, we have
treated already, and shall adde somwhat thereto as occasion
shall require. In the second case, we cannot say other,
save only to encourage such Princes to fortifie and guard
their own Capital city, and of the countrey about, not to
hold much account; and whoever shall have well fortified
that town, and touching other matters of governments shall
have behaved himself towards his subjects, as hath been
formerly said, and hereafter shall be, shall never be assaild
but with great regard ; for men willingly undertake not
enterprises, where they see difficulty to work them through ;
nor can much facility be there found, where one assails him,
who hath his town strong and wel guarded, and is not
PP 297

CHAP. X

In what
manner the
Forces of all
Principalities
ought to be
measured.

THE PRINCE

hated of his people. The cities of Germany are very free ;
they have but very little of the countrey about them
belonging to them ; and they obey the Emperor, when they
please, and they stand not in fear, neither of him nor any
other Potentate about them : for they are in such a manner
fortified, that every one thinks the siege of any of them
would prove hard and tedious : for all of them have ditches
and rampires, and good store of Artillery, and alwaies have
their publick cellars well provided with meat and drink and
firing for a yeer : besides this, whereby to feed the common
people, and without any loss to the publick, they have
alwaies in common whereby they are able for a year to
imploy them in the labor of those trades that are the sinews
and the life of that city, and of that industry whereby the
commons ordinarily supported themselves : they hold up
also the military exercises in repute, and hereupon have
they many orders to maintain them. A Prince then that
is master of a good strong city, and causeth not himself to
be hated, cannot be assaulted ; and in case he were, he that
should assail him, would be fain to quit him with shame :
for the affairs of the world are so various, that it is almost
impossible that an army can lie incampt before a town for
the space of a whole yeer: and if any should reply, that
the people having their possessions abroad, in case they
should see them a fire, would not have patience, and the
tedious siege and their love to themselves would make them
forget their Prince: I answer that a Prince puissant and
couragious, will easily master those difficulties, now giving
his subjects hope, that the mischief will not be of durance ;
sometimes affright them with the cruelty of their enemies,
and other whiles cunningly securing himself of those whom
he thinks too forward to run to the enemy. Besides this by
ordinary reason the enemy should burne and waste their
countrey, upon his arrival, and at those times while mens
minds are yet warme, and resolute in their defence : and
therefore so much the less ought a Prince doubt : for after
some few dayes, that their courages grow coole, the dammages
are all done, and mischiefs received, and there is no help for
298

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

it, and then have they more occasion to cleave faster to CHAP. X
their Prince, thinking he is now more bound to them, their ]n what
houses having for his defence been fired, and their posses- manner the
sions wasted; and mens nature is as well to hold them- ForceiofaU
iselves obliged for the kindnesses they do, as for those they oi
Weive; whereupon if all be well weighed, a wise Prince ^
shall not find much difficulty to keep sure and true to
him his Citi/ens hearts at the beginning and latter
end of the siege, when he hath no want of pro
vision for food and ammunition.

CHAP. XI

Concerning Ecclesiastical Principalities.

HERE remains now only that we treat of
the Ecclesiastical Principalities, about
which all the difficulties are before they
are gotten : for they are attained to either
by vertue, or Fortune ; and without the
one or the other they are held : for they
are maintaind by orders inveterated in
the religion, all which are so powerful!
and of such nature, that they maintain their Princes in
their dominions in what manner soever they proceed and
live. These only have an Estate and defend it not ; have
subjects and govern them not ; and yet their States because
undefended, are not taken from them ; nor their subjects,
though not governed, care not, think not, neither are able
to aliene themselves from them. These Principalities then
are only happy and secure : but they being sustained by
superior causes, whereunto humane understanding reaches
not, I will not meddle with them : for being set up and
maintained by God, it would be the part of a presumptuous
and rash man to enter into discourse of them. Vet if any
man should ask me whence it proceeds, that the Church in
temporal power hath attaind to such greatness, seeing that
till the time of Alexander the sixt, the Italian Potentates.

299

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XI and not only they who are entituled the potentates, but
Concerning every Baron and Lord though of the meanest condition,
Ecclesiastical in regard of the temporality, made but small account of it ;
Principalities. ancj now a King of France trembles at the power thereof ;
and it hath been able to drive him out of Italy, and ruine
the Venetians ; and however this be well known, me thinks
it is not superstitious in some part to recall it to memory.
Before that Charles King of France past into Italy, this
countrey was under the rule of the Pope, Venetians, the
King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines.
These Potentates took two things principally to their care ;
the one, that no forreiner should invade Italy ; the other,
that no one of them should inlarge their State. They,
against whom this care was most taken, were the Pope and
the Venetians ; and to restrain the Venetians, there needed
the union of all the rest, as it was in the defence of Ferrara ;
and to keep the Pope low, they served themselves of the
Barons of Rome, who being divided into two factions, the
Orsini and Colonnesi, there was alwaies occasion of offence
between them, who standing ready with their armes in
hand in the view of the Pope, held the Popedome weak and
feeble : and however sometimes there arose a couragious
Pope, as was Sextus ; yet either his fortune, or his wisdome
was not able to free him of these incommodities, and the
brevity of their lives was the cause thereof; for in ten years,
which time, one with another, Popes ordinarily livM, with
much ado could they bring low one of the factions. And
if, as we may say, one had near put out the Colonnesi, there
arose another enemy to the Orsini, who made them grow
again, so that there was never time quite to root them out.
This then was the cause, why the Popes temporal power
was of small esteem in Italy; there arose afterwards Pope
Alexander the sixt, who of all the Popes that ever were,
shewed what a Pope was able to do with money and forces :
and he effected, by means of his instrument, Duke Valentine,
and by the ocasion of the French mens passage, all those
things which I have formerly discoursed upon in the Dukes
actions: and however his purpose was nothing at all to
300

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

inlarge the Church dominions, but to make the Duke great ; CHAP. XI
yet what he did, turnd to the Churches advantage, which Concerning
after his death when the Duke was taken away, was the E
heir of all his pains. Afterwards succeeded Pope Julius, r
and found the Church great, having all Romania, and ull
the Barons of Rome being quite rooted out, and by
Alexanders persecutions, all their factions worne down; he
found also the way open for the heaping up of moneys,
never practised before Alexanders time; which things Julius
not only followed, but augmented ; and thought to make
himself master of Bolonia, and extinguish the Venetians,
and chase the French men out of Italy : and these designes
of his prov'd all lucky to him, and so much the more to his
praise in that he did all for the good of the Church, and in
' no private regard : he kept also the factions of the Orsins
and Colonnesi, in the same State he found them : and
though there were among them some head whereby to cause
an alteration; yet two things have held them quiet; the
one the power of the Church, which somewhat aflrights
them ; the other because they have no Cardinals of their
factions, who are the primary causes of all the troubles
amongst them : nor shall these parties ever be at rest, while
they have Cardinals; because they nourish the factions
both in Rome, and abroad; and the Barons then are forced
to undertake the defence of them: and thus from the
Prelates ambitions arise the discords and tumults among
the Barons. And now hath Pope Leo his Holiness found
the Popedome exceeding puissant, of whom it is hoped,
that if they amplified it by armes, he by his good
ness, and infinite other virtues, will much more
advantage and dignifie it.

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XII

How many sorts of Military discipline there are
and touching Mercinary soldiers.

AVING treated particularly of the qualities
of those Principalities, which in the be
ginning I propounded to discourse upon,
and considered in some part the reasons
of their well and ill being, and shewd the
waies whereby many have sought to gain,
and hold them, it remains now that I speak
in general of the offences and defences,
that may chance in each of the forenamed. We have formerly
said that it is necessary for a Prince to have good founda
tions laid; otherwise it must needs be that he go to wrack.
The Principal foundations that all States have, as well new,
as old, or mixt, are good laws, and good armes ; and because
there cannot be good laws, where there are not good armes ;
and where there are good armes, there must needs be good
laws, I will omit to discourse of the laws, and speak of armes.
I say then that the armes, wherewithall a Prince defends
his State, either are his own, or mercenary, or auxiliary, or
mixt. Those that are mercenary and auxiliar, are unprofit
able, and dangerous, and if any one holds his State founded
upon mercenary armes, he shall never be quiet, nor secure,
because they are never well united, ambitious, and without
discipline, treacherous, among their friends stour, among
their enemies cowardly; they have no fear of God, nor keep
any faith with men ; and so long only defer they the doing
of mischief, till the enemy comes to assul thee; and in time
of peace thou art despoyled by them, in war by thy enemies :
the reason hereof is, because they have no other love, nor
other cause to keep them in the field, but only a small
stipend, which is not of force to make them willing to
hazard their lives for thee : they are willing indeed to be
thy soldiers, till thou goest to fight ; but then they fly, or
302

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

runaway; which thing would cost me but small pains to CHAP. XII
- perswade ; for the ruine of Italy hath not had any other HOW manv
cause now a dayes, than for that it hath these manv years sort* of M'ili-
relvM upon mercenary armes; which a good while since t»ry discipline
perhaps may have done some man some service, and among
themselves they may have been thought valiant: but so
soon as any forrein enemy appeared, they quickly shewed
what they were. Whereupon Charles the King of France,
without opposition, made himself master of all Italy : and
he that said, that the causes thereof were our faults, said
true; but these were not those they beleeved, but what I
have told ; and because they were the Princes faults, they
also have suffered the punishment. I will fuller shew the
infelicity of these armes. The mercenary Captains are either
ji very able men, or not : if they be, thou canst not repose any
trust in them : for they will alwaies aspire unto their own
, proper advancements, either by suppressing of thee that art
their Lord, or by suppressing of some one else quite out of
thy purpose : but if the Captain be not valorous, he ordinarily
mines thee: and in case it be answered, that whoever shall
have his armes in his hands, whether mercenary or not, will
do so: I would reply, that armes are to be imployed either
by a Prince, or Common-wealth. The Prince ought to go
in person, and purforme the office of a commander: the
Republickjs to.send forth herCiti/ens: and when she sends
forth one that proves not of 'abilities, she ought to change —
him then; and when he does prove valorous, to bridle him""
so by the laws, that he exceed not his commission. And by
experience we see, that Princes and Kepubliques of them
selves alone, make very great conquests ; out that mercenary
armes never do other than harme ; and more hardly falls a
Republick armed with her own armes under the obedience
of one of her own Citizens, than one that is armed by forrein
armes. Rome and Sparta subsisted many ages armed and
free. The Swissers are exceedingly well armed, and yet very
free. Touching mercenary armes that were of old, we have
an example of the Carthagians, who near upon were op-
press'd by their own mercenary soldiers, when the first war

'

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XII with the Romans was finished ; however the Carthagians
How many nac^ their own Citizens for their Captains. Philip of Macedon
sorts of Mill- was made by the Thebans after Epaminondas his death,
tary discipline General of their Armies; and after the victory, he took
there are. from them their ifoeriyt The Milaneses when Duke Philip
was dead, entertaind Francis Sforza into their pay against
the Venetians, who having vanquisht their enemie at Cara-
vaggio, afterwards joyned with them, where by to usurp
upon the Milaneses his Masters. Sforza his father, being
in Joan the Queen of Naples pay, left her on a sudden dis
armed ; whereupon she, to save her Kingdom, was constraind
to cast her self into the King of Arragon's bosome. And
in case the Venetians and the Florentines have formerly
augmented their State with these kind of armes, and their
own Captains, and yet none of them have ever made them
selves their Princes, but rather defended them : I answer,
that the Florentines in this case have had fortune much
their friend : for of valorous Captains, which they might
any way fear, some have not been victors, some have had
opposition, and others have laid the aim of their ambitions
another way. He who overcame not, was John Aouto, of
whose faith there could no proof be made, being he vanquisht
not ; but every one will acknowledge, that, had he vanquisht,
the Florentines were at his discretion. Sforza had alwaies
the Bracceschi for his adversaries, so that they were as a
guard one upon another. Francis converted all his ambition
against Lombardy. Braccio against the Church, and the
Kingdome of Naples. But let us come to that which followed
a while agoe. The Florentines made Paul Vitelli their
General, a throughly advis'd man, and who from a private
fortune had rose to very great reputation : had he taken
Pisa, no man will deny but that the Florentines must have
held fast with him ; for had he been entertained in their
enemies pay, they had no remedy ; and they themselves
holding of him, of force were to obey him. The Venetians,
if we consider their proceedings, we shall see wrought both
warily and gloriously, while themselves made war, which
was before their undertakings by land, where the gentlemen
304

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

with their own Commons in armcs behavM themselves ('HAP. XII
bravely: but when they began to fight by land, they lost How many
their valor, and followed the custumes of Italy ; and in the sortj* ot -Nl1!'
beginning of their enlargement by land, because they had ^Seili
not much territory, and yet were of great reputation, they
had not much cause to fear their Captains ; but as they
began to extend their bounds, which was under their Com
mander Carminiola, they had a taste of this error: for
perceiving he was exceeding valorous, having under his
conduct beaten the Duke of Milan ; and knowing on the
other side, how he was cold in the war, they judged that
they could not make any great conquest with him ; and be
cause they neither would, nor could cashier him, that they
might not lose what they had gotten, they were forced for
their own safeties to put him to death. Since they have
had for their General Bartholomew of Berganio, Robert of
St. Severin, the Count of Petilian, and such like: whereby
they were to fear their losses, as well as to hope for gain :
as it fell out afterwards at Vayla, where in one day they lost
that, which with so much pains they had gotten in eight
hundred years : for from these kind of armes grow slack ami
slow and weak gains; but sudden and wonderfull losses:
And because I am now come with these examples into Italy,
which now these many years, have been governd by mercenary
armes, I will search deeper into them, to the end that their
course and progress being better discoverd, they may be the
better amended. You have to understand, that so soon as
in these later times the yoak of the Italian Empire began
to be shaken off, and the' Pope had gotten reputation in the
temporality, Italy was divided into several States : for many
of the great cities took armes against their Nobility ; who
under the Emperors protection had held them in oppression ;
and the Pope favored these, whereby he might get himself
reputation, in the temporality ; of many others, their Citizens
became Princes, so that hereupon Italy being come into the
Churches hands as it were, and some few Republicks, those
Priests and Citizens not accustomed to the use of armes,
began to take strangers to their pay. The first that

gg

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CHAP. XII reputation to these soldiers was Alberick of Como in
How many Romania. From his discipline among others descended
sorts of Mill- Brachio and Sforza, who in their time were the arbitres
tary discipline of Italy ; after these followed all others, who even till our
there are. dayes have commanded the armes of Italy ; and the success
of their valor hath been, that it was overrun by Charles,
pillaged by Lewis, forc'd by Ferdinand, and disgraced by
the Swissers. The order which they have held, hath been,
first whereby to give reputation to their own armes to take
away the credit of the Infantry. This they did, because
they having no State of their own, but living upon their
industry, their few foot gave them no reputation, and many
they were not able to maintain; whereupon they reduced
themselves to cavalery, and so with a supportable number
they were entertained and honored : and matters were
brought to such termes, that in an army of twenty thousand
soldiers you should not find two thousand foot. They had
moreover us'd all industry to free themselves and their
soldiers of all pains and fear, in their skirmishes, not kill
ing, but taking one another prisoners, and without ransome
for their freedom ; they repaired not all to their tents by
night, nor made palizado or trench thereabout, nor lay
in the field in the summer : and all these things were
thus contrived and agreed of among them in their
military orders, whereby (as is said) to avoid pains
and dangers, insomuch as they have brought
Italy into slavery and disgrace.

306

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELI

CHAP. XIII

Of Auxiliary Soldiers, mixt, and native.

HE Auxiliary forces, being the other kind
of unprofitable arnies, are, when any
puissant one is called in, who with his
forces comes to assist and defend thee ;
such as in these later times did Pope
Julius use, who having seen the evil proof
of his mercenary soldiers in the enter-
prize of Ferrara, applied himself to the
Auxiliaries, and agreed with Ferdinand King of Spain, that
with his Forces he should aid him. These arnies may be
profitable and advantagious for themselves; but for him
that calls them in, hurtfull ; because in losing, thou art left
defeated ; and conquering, thou becomest their prisoner.
And however that of these examples the ancient stories are
full fraught; yet will I not part from this of Pope Julius
the second, which is as vet fresh : whose course could not
have been more inconsiJerate, for the desire he had to get
Ferrara, putting himself wholly into strangers hands : but
his good fortune caused another cause to arise, that hind rid
him from receiving the fruit of his evil choice; for his
Auxiliaries being broken at Ravenna, and the Swissers
thereupon arriving, who put the Conquerors to flight be
yond all opinion, even their own and others, he chanced
not to remain his enemies prisoner, they being put to flight,
nor prisoner to his Auxiliaries, having vanquished by other
forces than theirs. The Florentines being wholly disarmed,
brought ten thousand French to Pisa for to take i by
which course they ran more hazzard, than in any time of
their troubles. The Kmpi-ror of Constantinople, to opprj
his neighbors, brought into Greece ten thousand
who when the war was ended, could not be got out thence,
which was the beginning of Greeces servitude under t
Infidels. He then that will in no case be able to overcoi
let him serve himself of these armes; for they an- mud

«>o /

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CHAP. XIII more dangerous than the mercenaries ; for by those thy
Of Auxiliary mine is more suddenly executed; for they are all united,
and all bent to the obedience of another. But for the
mercenaries to hurt thee, when they have vanquished, there
is no more need of time, and greater occasion, they not
being all united in a body, and being found out and paid
by thee, wherein a third that thou mak'st their head, cannot
suddenly gaine so great authority, that he can endammage
thee. nsumme in_bhej^rcenajjgs their sloth

Soldiers,
mixt, and
native.

to fight is more dangerous: in the auxiliaries their yplnnr
Wherefore a wise Prince hath alwayes avoyded these kind
of armes, and betaken himselfe to his owne, and desired
rather to loss with his owne, than conquer with anothers,
accounting that not a true victorie which was gotten with
others armes. I will not doubt to alleadge Caesar Bargia,
and his actions. This Duke entred into Romania with
auxiliarie armes, bringing with him all French souldiers : but
afterwards not accounting those armes secure, bent himselfe
to mercenaries, judging lesse danger to be in those, and
tooke in pay the Orsini and the Vitelli, which afterwards
in the proof of them, finding wavering, unfaithful, and
dangerous, he extinguishd, and betook himselfe to his
owne ; and it may easily be perceived what difference there
is between the one and the other of these armes, considering
the difference that was between the Dukes reputation, when
he had the French men alone, and when he had the Orsini
and Vitelli ; but when he remaind with his own, and stood
of himselfe, we shall find it was much augmented : nor ever
was it of grate esteeme, but when every one saw, that he
wholly possessed his owne armes. I thought not to have
parted from the Italian examples of late memory; but that
I must not let passe that of Hiero the Siracusan, being one
of those I formerly nanfd. This man (as I said before)
being made general of the Siracusans forces, knew presently
that mercenary souldiery was nothing for their profit in that
they were hirelings, as our Italians are ; and finding no way
either to hold, or cashier them made them all bee cut to
peeces, and afterwards waged warre with his owne men, and
306

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

none others. I will also call to memory a figure of the old CHAP. XIII
Testament serving just to this purpose. When David Of Auxiliary
presented himselfe before Saul to goe to fight with Goliah Soldier*,
the Philistims Champion, Saul to encourage him, clad him ™|x*>
with his owne armes, which David when he had them upon
his hack, refused, saying, he was not able to make any
proofe of himself therein, and therefore would goe meet the
enemy with his own sling and sword.'7 In summe, others.,
armes either fall from thy shoulders, or cumber or streighten I
thee. Charls the seventh, Father of Lewis the eleventh,'
having by his good fortune and valour set France at liberty
from the English, knew well this necessity of being arm'd
with his owne armes, and settled in his Kingdome the
ordinances of men at armes, and infantry. Afterwards
King- Lewis his sonn<* abolisht fhnst' <if the infa.nt.rv. ftlld
to take the Swjr.im. tn pny •, whirh rrrnnr

by the others, is (as now indeed it appeares^ Uie cause of_
that Kingdomes dangers. For having given reputation to
the Swissers, TheyTTave renderd all their own armes con
temptible ; for this hath wholly ruind their foot, and obligM
their men at armes to forrein armes : for being accustomed
to serve with the Swissers, they think they are not able to
overcome without them. From whence it comes that the
French are not of force against the Swissers, and without
them also against others they use not to adventure. There
fore are the French armies inixt, part mercenaries, and part
natives, which armes are farre better than the simple mer
cenaries or simple auxiliaries, and much inferiour to the
natives; and let the said example suffice for that: for the
Kingdome of France would have been unconquerable, if
Charles his order had been augmented and maintaind : but
men in their small wisdome begin a thing, which then be
cause it hath some favour of good, discovers not the noyson
that lurkes thereunder, as I before said of the hcctiek feavrrs.
Wherefore that Prince which perceives not mischiefes, but
as they grow up, is not truely wise ; and this is given but
to few": and if we consider the first mine of the Romane
Empire, we shall find it was from taking the Goths first

809

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CHAP. XIII into their pay ; for from that beginning the forces of the
Of Auxiliary Romane Empire began to grow weak, and all the valour

Soldiers,
mixt, and
native.

that was taken hence was given to them. I conclude then

— that without having armes of their owne, no Principality

—can be secure, or rather is wholly obliged to fortune, not

having valour to shelter it in adversity. And it was alwayes

the opinion and saying of wise men, that nothing is so weak

and unsetled, as is the reputation of power not founded

upon ones owne proper forces : which are those that are

composed of thy subjects, or Citizens, or servants; all the

rest are mercenary or auxiliary; and the manner how to order

those well, is easie to find out, if those orders above nanTd

by me, shall be but run over, and if it shall be but considered,

how Philip Alexander the Great his Father, and in what

manner many Republicks and Princes have armd and

appointed themselves, to which appointments I

referre my selfe wholly.

CHAP. XIV

What belongs to the Prince touching military
Discipline.

PRINCE then ought to have no other
ayme, nor other thought, nor take any
thing else for his proper art, but warr, and • —
the orders and discipline thereof: for that
is the sole arte which belongs to him that
commands, and is of so great excellency,
that not only those that are borne Princes,
it maintains so; but many times raises
men from a private fortune to that dignity. And it is
scene by the contrary, that when Princes have given them
selves more to their delights, than to the warres, they have
lost their States ; and the first cause that makes thee lose
it, is the neglect of that arte ; and the cause that makes
thee gaine it, is that thou art experienced and appro vd in
that arte. Francis Sforza by being a man at armes, of a

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

private man became Duke of Milan ; and his sons by excusing CHAP. XI V
themselves of the troubles and paines belonging to those What belong
imployments of Princes, became private men. For among to the Prince
other mischiefes thy neglect of armes brings upon thee, it tourl|'»K
causes thee to be contemnd, which is one of those disgraces, I1"ilitar.-v
from which a Prince ought to keepe himselfe, as hereafter
shall be sayd : for from one that is disarmd to one that is
armd there is no proportion ; and reason will not, that he
who is in armes, should willingly yeeld obedience to him
that is unfurnishd of them, and that he that is disarmd
should be in security among his armed vassalls ; for there
being disdaine in the one, and suspicion in the other, it is
impossible these should ever well cooperate. And therefore
a Prince who is quite unexperienced in matter of warre,
besides the other infelicities belonging to him, as is said,
cannot be had in any esteeme among his souldiers, nor yet
trust in them. Wherefore he ought never to neglect the
practice of the arte of warre, and in time of peace should "•*•
he exercise it more than in the warre; which he may be —
able to doe two wayes ; the one practically, and iii his
labours and recreations of his body, the other theoretically.""
And touching the practick part, he ought besides the
keeping of his own subjects well traind up in the discipline-
and exercise of armes, give himselfe much to the cnase, — .
whereby to accustome his body to paines, and partly to
understand the manner of situations, and to know how the
mountaines arise, which way the vallyes open themselves,
and how the plaines are distended Hat abroad, and to con
ceive well the nature of the rivers, and marrish ground,
and herein to bestow very much care, which knowledge is
profitable in two kinds : first he learnes thereby to know
his own countrey, and is the better enabled to understand
the defence thereof, and afterwards by meanes of this
knowledge and experience in these situations, easily com
prehends any other situation, which a new he hath need to
view, for the little hillocks, rallies, plaines, rivers, and
marrish places. For example, they in Tuscany are like unto
those of other countries : so that from the knowledge of

311

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CHAP. XlV-'the site of one country, it is easie to attain to know that
What belongs-of others. And that Prince that wants this skill, failes of
to the Prince the principall part a Commander should be furnisht with ;
touching for this snows the way how to discover the enemy, to pitch
Discipline ^ne camP' to lead their armies, to order their battells, and
also to besiege a town at thy best advantage. Philopomenes
Prince of the Achayans, among other praises Writers give
him, they say, that in time of peace, he thought not upon
any thing so much as the practise of warre ; and whensoever
he was abroad in the field to disport himselfe with his
friends, would often stand still, and discourse with them,
in case the enemies were upon the top of that hill, and we
here with our army, whether of us two should have the
advantage, and how might we safely goe to find them,
keeping still our orders ; and if we would retire our selves,
what course should we take if they retired, how should we
follow them ? and thus on the way, propounded them all
such accidents could befall in any army ; would heare their
opinions, and tell his owne, and confirme it by argument ;
so that by his continuall thought hereupon, when ever he
led any army no chance could happen, for which he had not
la remedy. But touching the exercise of the mind, a Prince
--fought to read Histories, and in them consider the actions
of the worthiest men, marke how they have behav'd them
selves in the warrs, examine the occasions of their victories,
and their losses ; wherby they may be able to avoyd these,
and obtaine those ; and above all, doe as formerly some
— excellent man hath done, who hath taken upon him to
imitate, if any one that hath gone before him hath left his
memory glorious ; the course he took, and kept alwaies near
unto him the remembrances of his actions and worthy
deeds : as it is said, that Alexander the great imitated
Achilles ; Caesar Alexander, and Scipio Cyrus. And whoever
reads the life of Cyrus, written by Xenophon, may easily
perceive afterwards in Scipio's life how much glory his
imitation gaind him, and how much Scipio did conforme
himselfe in his chastity, affability, humanity, and liberality
with those things, that are written by Xenophon of Cyrus.
312

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

Such like wayes ought a wise Prince to take, nor ever be CHAP. XIV
idle in quiet times, but by his paines then, as it were \\ hat belong*
provide himself of store, whereof he may make some to the Prince
use in his adversity, the end that "when the

times change, he may he able to resist the
stormes of his hard fortune.

CHAP. XV

Of those things, in respect whereof, men, and
especially Princes, are praised, or dispraised.

T now remaines that we consider what the
conditions of a Prince ought to be, and
his tennes of government over his subjects,
and towards his friends. And because
I know that many have written here
upon; I doubt, lest I venturing also to
treat thereof, may be branded with pre
sumption, especially seeing I am like

military

Discipline.

enough to deliver an opinion different from others. Hut
my intent being to write for the advantage of him that
understands me, I thought it fitter to follow the effectual!
truth of the matter, than the imagination thereof ; And
many Principalities and Uepubliques, have been in imagina
tion, which neither have been seen nor knowne to be indeed :
for there is such a distance between how men doe live, and
how men ought to live ; that he who leaves that which is
done, for that which ought to be done, learnes sooner hit
ruine than his preservation ; for that man who will profess
honesty in all his actions, must needs goe to ruine among si
many that are dishonest. Whereupon it is necessary for a
Prince, desiring to preserve himselfe, to be able to make use
of that honestie, and to lav it aside againe, as need shall
require. Passing by then things that are only in imagination
belonging to a Prince, to discourse upon those that are
really true; I say that all men, whensoever mention i* made
of them, and especially Princes, because they are placed
UK

ii ia

his 1
'esse r~

B so C

CHAP. XV

Of those
things, in re
spect whereof,
men, and
especially
Princes, are
praised, or
dispraised.

THE PRINCE

aloft in the view of all, are taken notice of for some of these
qualities, which procure them either commendations or
blame : and this is that some one is held liberal, some
miserable, (miserable I say, nor covetous ; for the covetous
desire to have, though it were by rapine; but a miserable
man is he, that too much for bears to make use of his owne)
some free givers, others extortioners ; some cruell, others
pitious ; the one a Leaguebreaker, another faithfull ; the
one effeminate and of small courage, the other fierce and
couragious ; the one courteous, the other proud ; the one
lascivious, the other chaste; the one of faire dealing, the
other wily and crafty; the one hard, the other easie; the
one grave, the other light ; the one religious, the other
incredulous, and such like. I know that every one will
confesse, it were exceedingly praise worthy for a Prince to
be adorned with all these above nanrfd qualities that are
good : but because this is not possible, nor doe humanej
conditions admit such perfection in vertues, it is necessary]
for him to be so discret, that he know how to avoid thel
infamie of those vices which would thrust him out of his
State ; and if it be possible, beware of those also which are
not able to remove him thence ; but where it cannot be, let
them passe with lesse regard. And yet, let him not stand
much upon it, though he incurre the infamie of those vices,
without which he can very hardly save his State : for if all
be throughly considerd, some thing we shall find which
will have the colour and very face of Vertue, and following
them, they will lead the to thy destruction ; whereas some
others that shall as much seeme vice, if we take the course
they lead us, shall discover unto us the way to our safety
and well-being.

The second blemish in this our Authours hook, I find in his
fifteenth Chapter : where he instructs his Prince to use such an
ambidexterity as that he may serve himselfe either of vertue,
or vice, according- to his advantage, which in true pollicy is
neither good in attaining the Principality nor in securing it when
it is attaind. For Politicks, presuppose Ethiques, which will
never allow this rule : as that a man might make this small
314

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

difference between vertue, and vice, that he may indifferently
lay aside, or take up the one or the other, and put it in practise
as best conduceth to the end he propounds himselfe. 1 doubt
our Authour would have blamd Davids regard to Saul, when
1 Sam. 24. in the cave he cut off the lap of Sauls garment, and
spared his head ; and afterwards in the 20. when he forbad
Abishai to strike him as lie lay sleeping. Worthy of a Princes
consideration is that saying of Abigal to David 1 Sam. 26. 30.
' It shall come to passe when the Lord shall have done to my Lord
' according to all that he hath spoken concerning thee, anil shall
' have appointed thee Kuler over Israel, that this shall be no grief
' to thee, nor offence of heart unto my Lord, that thou hast forborne
' to shed blood, etc.' For surely the conscience of this evill ground
whereupon they have eitber built, or underpropped their tyranny,
causes men, as well JW/M* as sjten in lonyum jirojicere, which sets
them a work on further mischiefe.

CHAP. XV

Of those
things, in re
spect whereof,
men, and
especially
Princes, are
praised, or
disprait»ed.

CHAP. XVI

Of Liberality, and Miserablenesse.

EGINNIXG then at the lirat of the above-
mentioned qualities, I say that it would
he very well to he accounted liberal 1 :
nevertnelesse, liberality used in such a
manner, as to make thee he accounted
so, wrongs thee : for in case it he used
vertuously, and as it ought to he, it shall
never come to he taken notice of, so as
to free thee from the infamieof its contrary. And therefore*
for one to hold the name of liberal among men, it were
needfull not to omit any sumptuous quality, insomuch that
a Prince alwayes so disposed, shall waste all his revenues,
and at the end shall he forc'd, if he will still maintaine that
reputation of liberality, heavily to burthen his subjects,
and become a great exactour; and put in practise all those
things that can be done to get mony : Which begins to
make him hatefull to his subjects, and fall into every ones
contempt, growing necessitous: so that having with this
liberality wrong'd many, and imparted of his bounty but
to a few ; he feels every first mischance, and runs a rm/ard

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CHAP. XVI of every first danger : Which he knowing, and desiring to
Of Liberality, withdraw himself from, incurs presently the disgrace of
and Miser- being termed miserable. A Prince therefore not being able
ablenesse. to use this vertue of liberality, without his own damage, in
such a sort, that it may be taken notice of, ought, if he be
wise, not to regard the name of Miserable ; for in time he
shall alwaies be esteemed the more liberal, seeing that by
his parsimony his own revenues are sufficient for him ; as
also he can defend himself against whoever makes war
against him, and can do some exploits without grieving his
subjects : so that he comes to use his liberality to all those,
from whom he takes nothing, who are infinite in number ;
and his miserableness towards those to whom he gives
nothing, who are but a few. In our dayes we have not seen
any, but those who have been held miserable, do any great
matters ; but the others all quite ruin'd. Pope Julius the
second, however he served himself of the name of Liberal,
to get the Papacy, yet never intended he to continue it, to
the end he might be able to make war against the King of
France : and he made so many wars without imposing any
extraordinary tax, because his long thrift supplyed his large
expences. This present King of Spain could never have
undertaken, nor gone through with so many exploits, had
he been accounted liberal. Wherefore a Prince ought little
to regard (that he may not be driven to pillage his subjects,
that he may be able to defend himself, that he may not
fall into poverty and contempt, that he be not forced to
become an extortioner) though he incurre the name of
miserable; for this is one of those vices, which does not
pluck him from his throne. And if any one should say,
Caesar by his liberality obtained the Empire, and many
others (because they both were, and were esteemd liberal)
attaind to exceeding great dignities. I answer, either thou
art already come to be a Prince, or thou art in the way to
it ; in the first case, this liberality is hurtful ; in the second,
it is necessary to be accounted so ; and Caesar was one of
those that aspired to the Principality of Rome. But if
after he had gotten it, he had survived, and not forborne
316

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

those expences, he would quite have ruined that Empire. CHAP XVI
And if any one should reply ; many have been Princes, and ()f j iheralitv
with their armies have done great exploits, who have been and Mber- '
held very liberal. I answer, either the Prince spends of his
own and his subjects, or that which belongs to others : in
the first, he ought to be sparing ; in the second, he should
not omit any part of liberality. And that Prince that goes
abroad with his army, and feeds upon prey, and spoyle, and
tributes, and hath the disposing of that* which belongs to
others, necessarily should use this liberality; otherwise
would his soldiers never follow him ; and of "that which is
neither thine, nor thy subjects, thou mayest well be a free
giver, as were Cyrus, Ca?sar and Alexander ; for the spending
of that which is anothers, takes not away thy reputation,
but rather adds to it, only the wasting of that which is
thine own hurts thee; nor is there any thing consumes
it self so much as liberality, which whiles! thou usest, thou
losest the means to make use of it, and becomest poore and
abject ; or to avoid this poverty, an extortioner and hatefull
person. And among all those things which a Prince ought
to beware of is, to be dispised, and odious ; to one and
the other of which, liberality brings thee. Wherefore
there is more discretion to hold the stile of Miserable,
which begets an infamy without hatred, than to desire
that of Liberal, whereby to incurre the necessity
of being thought an extortioner, which pro
cures an infamy with hatred.

THE PRINCE

CHAR XVII

Of Cruelty, and Clemency, and whether it is better
to be belov'd, or feard.

ESCENDING afterwards unto the other
fore-alledged qualities, I say, that every
Prince should desire to be held pitiful,
and not cruel. Nevertheless ought he
beware that he ill uses not this pitty.
Caesar Borgia was accounted cruel, yet
had his cruelty redrest the disorders in
Romania, setled it in union, and restored
it to peace, and fidelity : which, if it be well weighed, we
shall see was an act of more pitty, than that of the people
of Florence, who to avoyd the terme of cruelty, suffered
Pistoya to fall to destruction. Wherefore A Prince ought
not to regard the infamy of cruelty^ for toehold

unite(Land_fa,ithfull : for by giving a very few proofes of
r, he shall be held more pittiful than
they, who through their too much pitty, suffer disorders to
[follow, from whence arise murthers and rapines : for these
are wont to hurt an intire universality, whereas the execu
tions practised by a Prince, hurt only some particular.
And among all sorts of Princes, it is impossible for a new/
Prince to avoyd the name of cruel, because all new States
are full of dangers : whereupon Virgil by the mouth of Dido
excuses the inhumanity of her Kingdom, saying,

Res dura et Regni novitas me talia cogunt
Moliri et late fines custode tenere.

My hard plight and new State force me to guard
My confines all about with watch and ward.

Nevertheless ought he to be judicious in his giving beleif
to any thing, or moving himself thereat, nor make his people
extreamly afraid of him ; but proceed in a moderate way
318

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

-with wisdome, and humanity, that his too much confidence-CHAP. XVII
^make him not unwary, and his too much distrust intoler-<)f Cruelty,
-able ; from hence arises a dispute, whether it is better to"T"»d<-'leineiicjrl
be belov'd or feard : I answer, a man would wish he mi^ht a"d whether it
be the one and the other: but because hardly can they t
_ subsist both together, it is much safer to be feard, than fe

— be loved; being that one of the two must needs fail ; for
touching men, we may say this in general, they are

'—-unthankful, unconstant, dissemblers, they avoyd dangers,
and are covetous of gain ; and whilest thou *doest them

—good, they are wholly thine; their blood, their fortunes,
lives and children are at thy service, as is said before, when

— the danger is remote; but when it approaches, they revolt.
And that iVince who wholly relies upon their words,
unfurnished of all other preparations, goes to wrack : for
the friendships that are gotten with rewards, and not bv
the magnificence and worth of the mind, are dearly bought
indeed; but they will neither keep long, nor serve well in

— time of need: and men do less regard to offend one that

— is supported by love, than by fear. For love is held by av
certainty of obligation, which because men are mischievous, (,

— is broken upon any occasion of their own profit. But fear

— restrains with a dread of punishment which never forsakes '

— a man. Vet ought a Prince cause himself to be beloved in
such a manner, that if he gains not love, he may avoid
hatred: for it may well stand together, that ajimn may be

feard and not hated ; which shall never fail, if he abstain

— from his subjects goods, and their wives; and whensoever
he should l>e forc'd to proceed against any of their lives, do
it when it is to be done upon a just cause, and apparent
conviction ; but above all things forbeare to lay his hands
on other mens goods; for men forget sooner the death of
their father, than the loss of their patrimony. Moreover
the occasions of taking from men their goods, do never
fail : and alwaies he that begins to live by rapine, finds
occasion to lay hold upon other mens goods: but against
mens lives, they are seldome found, and sooner fail. Jlut
where a Prince is abroad in the field with his annv, and

319

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XVII hath a multitude of soldiers under his government, then is
Of Cruelty, it necessary that he stands not much upon it, though he be
andClemeucy, termed cruel : for unless he be so, he shall never have his
and whether it soldiers live in accord one with another, nor ever well dis-
belov'd^r ~Posed to any brave peice of service. Among Hannibals
feard. ' actions of mervail, this is reckoned for one, that having a

very huge army, gathered out of several nations, and all led
to serve in a strange countrey, there was never any dissen-
tion neither amongst themselves, nor against their General,
as well in their bad fortune as their good. Which could
not proceed from any thing else than from that barbarous
__cruelty of his, which together with his exceeding many
vertues, rendred him to his soldiers both venerable and
—terrible ; without which, to that effect his other vertues had
served him to little purpose : and some writers though not
of the best advised, on one side admire these his worthy
actions, and on the otherside, condemn the principal causes
thereof. And that it is true, that his other vertues would not
— have suffice! him, we may consider in Scipio, the rarest man
not only in the dayes he livM, but even in the memory of
•^man ; from whom his army rebelM in Spain : which grew
— only upon his too much clemency, which had given way to
his soldiers to become more licentious, than was well toller-
able by military discipline : for which he was reprov'd by
Fabius Maximus in the Senate, who termed him the corrupter
of the Roman soldiery. The Locrensians having been
destroyed by a Lieutenant of Scipio's, were never revengM
by him, nor the insolence of that Lieutenant punisht; all
this arising from his easie nature : so that one desiring to
excuse him in the Senate, said, that there were many men
knew better how to keep themselves from faults, than to
correct the faults of other men : which disposition of his in
time would have wronged Scipio's reputation and gloory,
had he therewith continued in his commands: but living
under the government of the Senate, this quality of his
that would have disgraced him not only was conceaFd,
but proved to the advancement of his glory. I con
clude then, returning to the purpose of being feard, and
320

NICHOLAS MACHIAVKLL

—belov\l ; insomuch as men love at their own pleasure, and CHAP. XVII
—to serve their own tunic, and their fear depends upon the of Cruelty.
— -Princes pleasure, every wise Prince ought to ground upon andClemency,
—that which is of himself, and not upon that which is and whether it

^ of another: only this, he ought to use his hest

J • T i i e -i belov d, or

— wits to avoid hatred, as was saul. feard.

CHAP. XVIII

In what manner Princes ought to keep their \vords.

OW commendable in a Prince it is to keep
his word, and live with integrity, not
making use of cunning and subtlety,
every one knows well : yet we see by
experience in these our dayes, that those
Princes have effected great matters, who
have made small reckoning of keeping
their words, and have known by their
craft to tunic and wind men about, and in the end, have
overcome those who have grounded upon the truth. You
must then know, there are two kinds of combating or fight
ing ; the one by right of the laws, the other meerly by force.-
That first way is proper to men, the other is also common
to beasts: but because the first many times suffices not,
there is a necessity to make recourse to the second ; where
fore it behooves a Prince to know how to make good use of
that part which belongs to a beast, as well as that which is
proper to a man. This part hath been covertly shew'd to
Princes by ancient writers; who say that Achilles and many
others of those ancient Princes were intrusted to Chiron the
Saaator, to be brought up under his discipline: the moral
of this, having for their teacher one that was half a bca*t
and half a man, was nothing else, but that it was needful
for a Prince to understand how to make his advantage of
the one and the other nature, because neither could subsist
without the other. A Prince then being necessitated to
know how to make use of that part belonging to a
SS 321

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XVIII ought to serve himself of the conditions of the Fox and the
In what man- Lion ; for the Lion cannot keep himself from snares, nor
ner Princes the Fox defend himself against the Wolves. He had need
ought to keep then be a Fox, that he may beware of the snares, and a Lion
>ds' that he may scare the wolves. Those that stand wholly
upon the Lion, understand not well themselves. And there-
- — fore a wise Prince cannot, nor ought not keep his faith given,
— ' when the observance thereof turnes to disadvantage, and
the occasions that made him promise, are past. For if men
were all good, this rule would not be allowable ; but being
they are full of mischief, and would not make it good to
thee, neither art thou tyed to keep it with them : nor shall
a Prince ever want lawfull occasions to give colour to this
breach. Very many modern examples hereof might be
alledg'd, wherein might be shewed how many peaces con
cluded, and how many promises made, have been violated
and broken by the infidelity of Princes ; and ordinarily
things have best succeeded with him that hath been nearest
the Fox in condition. But it is necessary to understand
how to set a good colour upon this disposition, and to
be able to fain and dissemble throughly ; and men are so
simple, and yeeld so much to the present necessities, that
he who hath a mind to deceive, shall alwaies find another
that will be deceivd. I will not conceal any one of the
examples that have been of late. Alexander the sixth,
never did any thing else than deceive men, and never meant
otherwise, and alwaies found whom to work upon ; yet neveif
was there man would protest more effectually, nor aver any
thing with more solemn oaths, and observe them less than
he ; nevertheless, his cousenages all thrived well with him ;
—for he knew how to play this part cunningly. Therefore is
there no necessity for a Prince to be endued with all above
— written qualities, but it behooveth well that he seem to
/be so ; or rather I will boldly say this, that having these
\ qualities, and alwaies regulating himself by them, they are
\ hurtfull ; but seeming to have them, they are advantageous ;
/ as to seem pittiful, faithful, mild, religious, and of integrity,
I and indeed to be so ; provided withall thou beest of such a

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

. composition, that if need require to use the contrary, thou CHAP.XV1II

— canst, and knowest how to apply thy self thereto. And it In what man-
suffices to conceive 'his, that a Prince, and especially a new "er Prince*
Prince, cannot observe all those things, for which men are °"^lt to k<*p
held good ; he being often forc'd, for the maintenance of

his State, to do contrary to his faith, charity, humanity,
and religion : and therefore it behooves him to have a mind ,

— so disposd, as to turne and take the advantage of all winds
-~and fortunes; and as formerly I said, not forsake the good,
— while he can ; but to know how to make use of the evil upon
—necessity. A Prince then ought to have a special care, that

he never let fall any words, but what are all season'd with
the five above written qualities, and let him seem to him
that sees and hears him, all pitty, all faith, all integrity, all
humanity, all religion ; nor is there any thing more necessary
for him to seem to have, than this last quality : for all men
in general judge thereof, rather by the sight, than by the
touch ; for every man may come to the sight of him, few

^ome to the touch and feeling of him ; y very man may come to

see what thou seemest, few come to perceive and understand

^-what thou art; and those few dare not oppose the opinion
of many, who have the majesty of State to protect them :
And in all mens actions, especially those of Princes wherein
there is no judgement to appeale unto men, forbeare to give
their censures, till the events and ends of things. Let a
Prince therefore take the surest courses he can to maintain
his life and State: the means shall alwaies be thought
honorable, and commended by every one; for the vulgar
is over-taken with the appearance and event of a thing: and
for the most part of people, they are but the vulgar: the
others that are but few, take place where the vulgar have
no subsisteance. A Prince there is in these daye*, whom
I shall not do well to name, that preaches nothing else
but peace and faith; but had he kept the one and the
other, several times had they taken from him his state and
reputation.

In the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth ('hup. onr Author
descends to particulars, perswadintf his Prince in hi*

'

CHAP.XVI11

In what man
ner Princes
ought to keep
their words.

(rulidmus
Xcnocarus in
vit. Car.
Quinti.

THE PRINCE

such a suppleness of disposition, as that upon occasion he can
make use either of liberality or miserableness, as need shall
require. But that of liberality is to last n' longer than while he
is in the way to some desigrie : which if he well weigh, is not
really a reward of vertue, how ere it seems ; but a bait and lure
to bring birds to the net. In the seventeenth Chap, he treats of
clemency and cruelty, neither of which are to be exercised by him
as acts of mercy or justice ; but as they may serve to advantage
his further purposes. Arid lest the Prince should incline too
much to clemency, our Author allows rather the restraint by
fear, than by love. The contrary to which all stories shew us.
I will say this only, cruelty may cut of the power of some, but
causes the hatred of all, and gives a will to most to take the
first occasion offerd for revenge. In the eighteenth Chap, our
Author discourses how Princes ought to govern themselves in
keeping their promises made : whereof he sayes they ought to
make such small reckoning, as that rather they should know by
-"-their craft how to turne and wind men about, whereby to take
"""advantage of all winds and fortunes. To this I would oppose that
in the fifteenth Psal. v. 5. He that sweareth to his neighbor, and
disappointeth him not, though it were to his own hindrance. It
was a King that writ it, and me thinks the rule he gave, should
well befit both King and Subject : and surely this perswades
against all taking of advantages. A man may reduce all the
causes of faith-breaking to three heads. One may be, because he
that promised, had no intention to keep his word ; and this is a
wicked and malitious way of dealing. A second may bee, because
hee that promisd, repents of his promise made ; and that is
grounded on unconstancy, and lightness in that he would not be
well resolved before he entred into covenant. The third may be,
when it so falls out, that it lyes not in his power that made the
promise to performe it. In which case a man ought to imitate
the good debter, who having not wherewithall to pay, hides not
himself, but presents his person to his creditor, willingly suffering
imprisonment. The first and second are very vitious and unworthy
of a Prince : in the third, men might well be directed by the
examples of those two famous Romans, Regulus and Posthumius.
I shall close this with the answer of Charles the fifth, when he
was pressed to break his word with Luther for his safe return
from \Vormes ; Fides rerum promissarum etsi toto mundo exnlct,
tamen npu.d imperatorem earn consinterc oportet. Though truth be
banisht out of the whole world, yet should it alwaies find harbour
in an Emperors breast.

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

CHAP. XIX

That Princes should take a care, not to incurre
contempt or hatred.

UT because among the qualities, whereof
formerly mention is made, I have spoken
of those of most importance, I will treat
of the others more briefly under these
qualityes that a Prince is to beware, as
in part is above-said, and that he fly
those things which cause him to be odious
or vile : and when ever he shall avoid
this, he shall fully have plaid his part, and in the other
disgraces he shall 'find no danger at all. There is nothing
makes him so odious, as I said, as his extortion of his subjects
ir.wwU, a.ii(| nbtise of their womeii^ from which he ought to
"forTu'iir; and so long as he wrongs not his whole people,
neither in their goods, nor honors, they live content, ami he
hath only to strive with the Ambition' of some few : which
many wa'ies and easily too, is restrained. To be held various,
light, effeminate, faint-hearted, unresolved, these make him
be contemnd and thought base, which a Prince should shun
Hkejrocks, and take a care that in all his actions there
appear magnanimity, courage, gravity, and valor: and that
in all the private affairs of his subjects, he orders it so, that
his word stand irrevocable: and maintain himself in such
repute, that no man may think either to deceive or wind
and turn him about: that Prince that gives such an opinion
of himself, is much esteemed, and against him who is so well
esteemed, hardly are any conspiracies made by his subjects
or by forreinere" any invasion, when once notice i
his worth, and how much he is reverenced by his
For a Prince ought to have two fears, the one from
in regard of his subjects; the other from abroad, in n
of his mighty neighbors; from these he defends himself by
good armes and good friends; and alwaycs he shal

CHAP. XIX

That Princes
should take a
care, not to
incurre con
tempt or
hatred.

THE PRINCE

good friends, if he have good armes ; and all things shall
alwaies stand sure at home, when those abroad are firme,
in case some conspiracy have not disturbed them ; and how
ever the forrein matters stand but ticklishly ; yet if he have
taken such courses at home, and liv'd as we have prescribed,
he shall never be able (in case he forsake not himself) to
resist all possibility, force and violence, as I said Nabis the
Spartan did : but touching his subjects, even when his affairs
abroad are setled, it is to be fear'd they may conspire privily ;
from which a Prince sufficiently secure himself by shunning
to be hated or contemned, and keeping himself in his peoples
good opinion, which it is necessary for him to compass, as
formerly we treated at large. And one of the powerfullest
remedies a Prince can have against conspiracies, is, not to
be hated nor dispised by the universality ; for alwaies he
that conspires, beleeves the Princes death is acceptable to
the subject : but when he thinks it displeases them, he hath
not the heart to venture on such a matter ; for the difficulties
that are on the conspirators side, are infinite. By experience
it is plain, that many times plots have been laid, but few
of them have succeeded luckily ; for he that conspires, can
not be alone, nor can he take the company of any, but of
those, who he beleeves are malecontents ; and so soon as
thou hast discovered thy self to a malecontent, thou givest
him means to work his own content : for by revealing thy
treason, he may well hope for all manner of favour : so that
seeing his gain certain of one side ; and on the other, finding
only doubt and danger, either he had need be a rare friend,
or that he be an exceeding obstinate enemy to the Prince,
if he keeps his word with thee. And to reduce this matter
into short termes : I say, there is nothing but jealousie,
fear, and suspect of punishment on the conspirators part to
affright him ; but on the Princes part, there is the majesty
of the principality, the laws, the defences of his friends and
the State, which do so guard him, that to all these things
the peoples good wills being added, it is impossible any one
should be so head-strong as to conspire; for ordinarily
where a trator is to feare before the execution of his mis-

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

chiefe, in this case he is also to feare afterwards, having the CHAP. XIX
people for his enemy when the fact is commited, and there- That Prince*
fore for this cause, not being able to hope for any refuge, should take a
Touching this matter, many examples might be brought ; ™«»r™
but I will content my selfe to name one which fell out in u.mpt or
the memory of our Fathers. Annibal Bentivolii, grand hatred.
Father of this Annibal who now lives, that was Prince in
Bolonia, being slaine by the Canneschi that conspired against
him, none of his race being left, but this John, who was
then in swadling clouts ; presently the people rose upon this
murder, and slew all the Canneschi which proceeded from
the popular atiection, which the family of the Bentivolii
held then in Bolonia : which was so great, that being there
remahrd not any, now Anniball was dead, that was able to
manage the State ; and having notice that in Florence there
was one borne of the Bentivolii, who till then was taken for
a Smiths sonne : the citi/ens of Bolonia went to Florence
for him, and gave the government of their City to him,
which was rul'd by him, untill John was of fit yeares to
(roverne. I conclude then, that a Prince ought to make
small account of treasons, whiles he hath the people to
friend : but if they be his enemies and hate him, he may
well feare every thing, and every one. And well ordered
States, and discreet Princes have taken care withall diligence,
- not to cause their great men to fall into desperation, and to
— content the people, and so to maintaine them: for this i>
one of the most important businesses belonging to a Prince.
\mono- the Kingdomes that are well orderd and governd in
our da"-es, is that of France, and therein are found exceeding
manv good orders, whereupon the Kings liberty and security
depends • of which the chiefe is the Parliament, and the
l^iuthority thereof: for he that founded that Kingdom*-
knowing the great mens ambition and insolence;
UuWing it necessary there should be a bridle to cm
them • and on the other side knowing the hatred of t
1 Commonalty against the great ones, grounded upon f<
intending to secure them, would not lay this care wh
upon the King, but take this trouble from him, "hirh he

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XIX might have with the great men, in case he favourd the Corn-
That Princes monalty ; or with the Commonalty, in case he favourd the
should take a great men; and thereupon set up a third judge, which was
care, not to -<-that, to the end it should keep under the great ones, and
tempit or°n~ "^avour tne meaner sort, without any imputation to the King,
hatred. It was not possible to take a better, nor wiser course then

this ; nor a surer way to secure the King, and the Kingdome.
From whence we may draw another conclusion worthie of
—note, that Princes ought to cause others to take upon them
--the matters of blame and imputation ; and upon themselves
-Jto take only those of grace and favour. Here againe I con
clude, that a Prince ought to make good esteeme of his
Nobility ; but not thereby to incur the Commons hatred :
It would seeme perhaps to many, considering the life and
death of many Komane Emperours, that they were examples
contrary to my opinion, finding that some have liv'd worthily,
and shewd many rare vertues of the minde, and yet have
lost the Empire, and been put to death by their owne sub
jects, conspiring against them. Intending then to answer
these objections, I shall discourse upon the qualities of some
Emperours, declaring the occasions of their ruine, not dis
agreeing from that which I have alledgd ; and part thereof
I will bestow on the consideration of these things, which
are worthy to be noted by him that reads the actions of
those times: and it shall suffice me to take all those
Emperours that succeeded in the Empire from Marcus the
Philosopher to Maximinus, who were Mercus and Commodus
his sonne, Pertinax, Julian, Severus, Antonius, Caracalla
his sonne, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Alexander, and Maxirnin.
And first it is to be noted, that where in the other Princi
palities, they are to contend only with the ambition of the
Nobles, and the insolence of the people ; the llomane
Emperours had a third difficulty, having to support the
cruelty and co vetousnesse of the souldiers, which was so hard
a thing, that it caused the ruine of many, being hard to
—satisfy the souldiers, and the people; for the people love
—their quiet, and therefore affect modest Princes; and the
^souldiers love a Prince of a warlike courage, that is insolent,
828

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

cruell, and plucking from every one: which things they CHAP. XIX
would have them exercise upon the people, whereby they That 1'riucts
might be able to double their sti{>ends, and satisfie their *l»ould ukt a
avarice and cruelty: whence it proceeds, that those Emperoura Cl
who either by Nature or by Art, had not such u reputation, "Ji,"."*^11
as therewith they could curbe the one and the other, were hatred,
alwayes ruind : and the most of them, specially those who
as new men came to the principality, finding the difficulty
of those two different humours, applyed themselves to con
tent the souldiers, making small account of wronging thei
people, which was a course then necessary; for the Princes!
not being able to escape the hatred of every one, ought first!
.endeavour that they incurre not the hatred of any whole)
-universality ; and when they cannot attaine thereunto, they
are to provide with all industry, to avovd the hatred of
-those universalities that are the most mighty. And there
fore those Emperors, who because they were but newly
caird to the Empire, had need of extraordinary favours,
more willingly stuck to the soldiers, than to the people;
which neverthelesse turnd to their advantage, or otherwise,
according as that Prince knew how to maintaine his repute
with them. From these causes aforesayd proceeded it, that
Marcus Pertinax, and Alexander, though all living modestly,
being lovers of justice, and enemies of cruelty, courteous
and bountiful!, had all from Marcus on ward, miserable
ends; Marcus only liv'd and dy\l exceedingly honoured:
for he came to the Empire by inheritance, and was not to
acknowledge it either from the soldiers, nor from the people :
afterwards being accompanyed with many vertues, which
made him venerable, he held alwayes whilst he liv'd the
one and the other order within their limits, and was never
either hated, or contemnd. But Pertinax was created
Emperour against the soldiers wills, who being accustomed
to live licentiously under ('ommodus, could not endure that
honest course that Pertinax sought to reduce them to :
Whereupon having gotten himself hatred, and to this hatred
added contempt, in that he was old, was ruind in the very
ben-inning of his government. Whence it ought to be

329

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XIX observed, that hatred is gaind as well by good deeds as bad ;

That Princes and therefore as I formerly said, when a Prince would

should take a maintaine the State, he is often forced not to be good : for

care, not to when that generality, whether it be the people, or soldiersil

iiicurre con- Nobility, whereof thou thinkst thou standst in need toll
tempt or •/' . , ., , , ., /, ,, ,, . I

hatred. — maintain thee, is corrupted, it behoves thee to follow theirl

—humour, and content them, and then all good deeds are thy Si
adversaries. But let us come to Alexander who was of that*
goodnesse, that among the prayses given him, had this for
one, that in fourteen yeers wherein he held the Empire, he
never put any man to death, but by course of justice ;
neverthelesse being held effeminate, and a man that suffered
himselfe to be ruled by his mother, and thereupon fallen
into contempt, the army conspird against him. Now on
the contrary discoursing upon the qualities of Commodus,
Severus, Antonius, Caracalla, and Maximinus, you shall find
them exceeding cruell, and ravinous, who to satisfie their
soldiers, forbeare no kinde of injury that could be done upon
the people ; and all of them, except Severus, came to evill
ends : for in Severus, there was such extraordinary valour,
that while he held the soldiers his freinds, however the
people were much burthend by him, he might alwayes
reigne happily: for his valour rendred him so admirable in
the souldiers and peoples sights; that these in a manner
stood amazd and astonishd, and those others reverencing
and honoring him. And because the actions of this man
were exceeding great, being in a new Prince, I will briefly
shew how well he knew to act the Foxes and the Lions
parts; the conditions of which two, I say, as before, are
very necessary for a Prince to imitate. Severus having had
experience of Julian the Emperours sloth, perswaded his
army (whereof he was commander in Sclavonia) that they
should doe well to goe to Rome to revenge Pertinax his
death, who was put to death by the Imperiall guard ; and
under this pretence, not making any shew that he aspird
unto the Empire, set his army in march directly towards
Rome, and was sooner come into Italy, than it was known e
he had mov'd from his station. Being ariv'd at Rome, he
330

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

was by the Senate chosen Emperour for feare, and Julian CHAP. XIX
slaine. After this beginning, two difficulties yet renmind That Prince*
to Severus, before he could make himselfe Lord of the whole should t«ke«
State ; the one in Asia, where Niger the Gencrall of those fare» not to
armies had gotten the title of Emperour, the other in the 1',!™'™,™'
West with Albinus, who also aspird to the Empire : and hatred.
because he thought there might be some danger to discover
himselfe enemy to them both, he purposed to set upon
Niger, and cozen Albimis, to whom he writ, that being
elected Emperour by the Senate, he would willingly com
municate it with him ; and thereupon sent him the title of
Caesar, and by resolution of the Senate, tooke him to him
for his Colleague; which things were taken by Albimis in
true meaning. But afterwards when Severus had overcome
and slaine Niger, and pacified the affaires and in the East,
being returned to Rome, he complaind in the Senate of
Albinus, how little weighing the benefits received from him,
he had sought to slay him by treason, and therefore was he
forc'd to goe punish his ingratitude: afterwards he went
into France, where he bereft him both of Ins State and life,
whoever then shall in particular examine his actions, shall
finde he was a very cruell Lion, and as crafty a Fox : and
shall see that he was alwayes feard and reverene'd by every
one, and by the armies not hated ; and shall nothing marvel!
that he being a new man, was able to hold together such a
great Empire: for his extraordinary reputation defended
him alwayes from that hatred, which the people for his
extortions might have conceived against him. Hut Antonius
his sonne, was also an exceeding brave man, and endued
with most excellent qualities, which cause! him to be adminl
by the people, and acceptable to the souldiers, because he
was a warlike man, enduring all kind of travell and paines,
despising all delicate food, and all kindc of effeminacy,
which gaind him the love of all the armies : nevertheless*
his fiercenesse and cruelty were such, and so hideous, having
upon many particular occasions put to death a great part
of the people of Home, and all those of Alexandria, that
he grew odious to the world, and began to be feard by those

'

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XIX also that were neare about him ; so that he was slaine by a
That Princes Centurion in the very midst of his army. Where it is to
should take a be noted, that these kinde of deaths, which follow upon the
care, riot to deliberation of a resolv'd and obstinate minde, cannot by a
tempt or°D Prince be avoyded : for every one that feares not to dye, is
hatred. able to doe it ; but a Prince ought to be lesse afraid of it,

because it very seldome falls out. Only should he beware
not to doe any extreame injury to any of those of whom he
serves himself, or that he hath near about him in any
imployment of his Principality, as Antonius did : who had
reproachfully slaine a brother of that Centurion; also
threatned him every day, and neverthelesse entertaind him
still as one of the guards of his body, which was a rash
course taken, and the way to destruction, as befell him.
But let us come to Commodus for whom it was very easie
to hold the Empire, by reason it descended upon him by
inheritance, being Marcus his sonne, and it had been enough
for him to follow his fathers footsteps, and then had he
contented both the people and the soldiers : but being of a
cruell and savage disposition, whereby to exercise his actions
upon the people, he gave himselfe to entertaine armies, and
those in all licentiousnesse. On the other part not main
taining his dignity, but often descending upon the stages
to combate with fencers, and doing such other like base
things, little worthy of the Imperiall majesty, he became
contemptible in the soldiers sight ; and being hated of one
part, and despisd of the other, he was conspird against, and
slaine. It remaines now, that we declare Maximinus his
conditions, who was a very warlike man ; and the armies
loathing Alexanders effeminacy, whereof I spake before,
when they had slain him, chose this man Emperour, who
not long continued so, because two things there were that
brought him into hatred and contempt ; the one because
he was very base, having kept cattell in Thrace, which was
well knowne to every one, and made them to scorne him ;
the other, because in the beginning of his Principality having
delayd to goe to Rome, and enter into possession of the
Imperiall throne, he had gaind the infamy of being thought
332

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

exceed ing cruel 1, having by his Prefects in Home, and in every CHAP XIX
-place of the Empire, exercisd many cruelties, insomuch that That IVino
-the whole world being provoked against him to contempt should ukea
-for the basenesse of his blood ; on the other side upon the care> »ot to
hatred conceiv'd against him for feare of his crulty; first incurre con'
Affrica, afterwards the Senate, with all the people of Rome
and all Italy, conspired against him, with whom his own
army took part ; which incamping before Aquileya, and
finding some difficulty to take the town, being weary of his
cruelties, and because they saw he had so many enemies,
fearing him the lesse, slew him. I purpose not to say any
thing either of Heliogabalus, Macrinus, or Julian,* who
because they were throughly base, weresudenly extinguished ;
but I will come to the conclusion of this discourse; and I
say, that the Princes of our times have lesse of this difficulty
to satisfie the Soldiers extraordinarily in their government ;
for notwithstanding that there be some considerations to
be had of them, yet presently are those armies dissolved,
because none of these Princes do use to maintaine any
armies together, which are annexed and imeterated with the
governments of the provinces, as were the armies of the
Komahe Empire. And therefore if then it was necessarv
rather to content the soldiers than the people, it was because
the soldiers were more powerfull than the people: now is it
more necessary for all Princes, (except the Turk and the
Souldan) to satisfie their people than their soldiers, because
the people are more mighty than they; wherein I except
the Turk, he alwayes maintaining about his person 152000
foot, and 15000 horse, upon which depends the safety and
strength of his Kingdome ; and it is necessary that laving
aside all other regard of his people, he maintaine these his
friends. The Souldans Kingdome is like hereunto, which
being wholy in the souldiers power, he must also without
respect of his people keep them his friends. And you are
to consider, that this State of the Souldans differs much
from all the other Principalities : For it is very like the
Papacy, which cannot be termd an hereditary Principality :
nor a new Principality : for the sons of the decease! Prince nre

333

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XIX not heires and Lords thereof, but he that is chosen receives
That Princes that dignity from those who have the authority in them.
should take a And this order being of antiquity, cannot be termd a new
care, not to Principality, because therein are none of those difficulties

tem1" or0" that are in the new ones : for tnough tne P"nce be new, yet
hatred. are the orders of that state ancient, and ordaind to receive

him, as if he were their hereditary Prince. But let us returne
to our matter; whosoever shall consider our discourse before,
- -shall perceive that either hatred, or contempt have caus'd the
— ruine of the afore-named Emperors ; and shall know also,
from it came that part of them proceeding one way, and
part a contrary ; yet in any of them the one had a happy
success, and the others unhappy : for it was of no availe, but
rather hurtful for Pertinax and Alexander, because they
—were new Princes, to desire to imitate Marcus, who by
— inheritance came to the Principality : and in like manner
it was a wrong to Caracalla, Commodus, and Maxim us, to
imitate Severus, because none of them were endued with so
great valor as to follow his steps therein. Wherefore a new
Prince in his Principality cannot well imitate Marcus his
actions ; nor yet is it necessary to follow those of Severus :
~~~ but he ought make choyce of those parts in Severus which
are necessary for the founding of a State; and to
— take from Marcus those that are fit and glorious
to preserve a State which is already estab
lished and setled.

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

CHAP. XX

Whether the Citadels and many other things

which Princes often make use of, are profitable

or dammageable.

OME Princes, whereby they might safely
keep their State, have disarmed their sub
jects ; some others have held the towns
under their dominion, divided into fac
tions ; others have maintained enmities
against themselves; others have appli'd
themselves to gain them, where they have
suspected at their entrance into the
government; others have built Fortresses; and others again
have ruined and demolished them : and however that upon
all these things, a man cannot well pass a determinate
sentence, unless one comes to the particulars of these States,
where some such like determinations were to be taken ; yet
I shall speak of them in so large a manner, as the matter
of it self will bear. It was never then that a new Prince
would disarme his own subjects; but rather when he hath
-found them disarmed, he hath alwaies arnVd them. For
_bein«' belovM, those arines become thine; tliose become
- faitMuT," WKich thou hadst in suspicion ; and those which
were faithful, are maintaind so; and thy subjects are made
thy partisans; and because all thy subjects cannot be put
-in armes, when thou bestowest favors on those thou arniest,
with the others thou canst deal more for thy safety ; and
that difference of proceeding which they know among them,
obliges them to thee ; those others excuse thee, judgcing i
-necessary that they have deservd more, who have undergone
- more danger, and so have greater obligation : but when thou
-disarmst them, thou beginst to offend them that thou dii-
-trustest them, either for cowardise, or small faith ; am
one or the other of those two opinions provokes their h
against thee; and because thou canst not

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XX thou must then turn thy self to mercenary Soldiery, whereof
Whether the we have formerly spoken what it is, and when it is good ;
Citadels, etc., it can never be so much as to defend thee from powerful
are profitable enemies, and suspected subjects; therefore as I have said, a
new Pfince in a new Principality hath alwaies ordaind them
armes. Of examples to this purpose, Histories are full.
But when a Prince gains a new State, which as a member he
—adds to his ancient dominions, then it is necessary to disarme
j~- that State, unless it be those whom thou hast discoverd to
have assisted thee in the conquest thereof; and these also
in time and upon occasions, it is necessary to render delicate

— and effeminate, and so order them, that all the arms of thy
— -State be in the hands of thy own Soldiers, who live in thy

ancient State near unto thee. Our ancestors and they that
were accounted Sages, were wont to say that it was neces
sary to hold Pistoya in factions, and Pisa with Fortresses ;
and for this cause maintaind some towns subject to them in
differences, whereby to hold it more easily. This, at what
time Italy was ballanc'd in a certain manner, might be well
done ; but mee thinks it cannot now a dayes be well given

— for a precept ; for I do not beleeve, that divisions made can
—do any good ; rather it must needs be, that when the enemy

approaches them, Cities divided are presently lost ; for
— alwaies the weaker part will cleave to the forrein power, and
the other not be able to subsist. The Venetians (as I think)
mov\I by the aforesaid reasons, maintaind the factions of
the Guelfes and Gibellins, in their townes ; and however they
never suffered them to spill one anothers blood, yet they
nourish'd these differences among them, to the end that the
citizens imployd in these quarrels, should not plot any thing
against them : which as it prov'd, never serv'd them to any
great purpose : for being defeated at Vayla, presently one
of those two factions took courage and seizd upon their whole
State. Therefore such like waies argue the Princes weakness ;
for in a strong principality they never will suffer such divi
sions ; for they shew them some kind of profit in time of peace,
being they are able by means thereof more easily to mannage
their subjects: but war comming, such like orders discover
336

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

their fallacy. Without doubt, Princes become great, when CHAP. XX
they overcome the difficulties and oppositions that are made Whether the
against them; and therefore Fortune especially when she Citadel*, etc.
hath to make any new Prince great, who hath more need to are P"»fit*Me
gain reputation than an hereditary Prince, causes enemies to °j
rise against him, and him to undertake against them : to the
end he may have occasion to master them, and know that
ladder, which his enemies have set him upon, whereby to
rise yet higher. And therefore many think, that a "wise
Prince when he hath the occasion, ought cunningly to
"""nourish some enmity, that by the suppressing thereof, his
-"greatness may grow thereupon. Princes, especially those
—•that are new, have found more faith and profit in those men
— ' Avho iii the beginning of their State, hjiye been held suspected,
than in those who. at their entrance TTave been their con-
Tulenls. Tandulphus Petrucci, Prince of Siena, governd his
State, more with them that had been suspected by him, than
with the others. Hut of this matter we cannot speak at
large, because it varies according to the subject ; I will only
say this, that those men, who in the beginning Of a Princi
pality were once enemies, if they be of quality so that to
maintain themselves they have need of support, the Prince
might alwaies with the greatest facility gain for his; and
they are the rather forced to serve him faithfully, insomuch
^,as they know it is more necessary for them by their (let ds
to cancel that sinister opinion, which was once held of them ;
and so the Prince ever draws from these more advantage,
than from those, who serving him too supinely, neglect his
affairs. And seing the matter requires it, I will not omit
to put a Prince in mind, who hath anew made himsi-lf
master of a State, by means of the inward helps he had
from thence that he consider well the cause that mov\] them
that favor" d him to favor him, if it be not a natural affection
towards him ; for if it be only because they were not content
with their former government, with much pains and diffi
culties shall he be able to keep them long his friends, because
it will lx? impossible for him to content them. By these
examples then which are drawn out of ancient and modern
UlT

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XX affaires, searching into the cause hereof, we shall find it much

Whether the-^more easie to gain those men for friends, who formerly were

Citadels, etc.f-contented with the State, and therefore were his enemies :

are profitable than those, who because they were not contented therewith,

or dammage- ^ecame nis friends, and favorM him in getting the mastery

of it. It hath been the custome of Princes, whereby to hold

their States more securely, to build Citadels, which might

be bridles and curbs to those that should purpose any thing

against them, and so to have a secure retreat from the first

violences. I commend this course, because it hath been used

of old ; notwithstanding Nicholas Vitelli in our dayes hath

been known to demolish two Citadels in the town of Castello,

the better to keep the State ; Guidubaldo Duke of Urbin

being to return into his State, out of which he was driven

by Caesar Borgia, raz'd all the Fortresses of that Countrey,

and thought he should hardlyer lose that State again without

them. The Bentivolii returning into Bolonia, used the like

courses. Citadels then are profitable, or not, according to

the times; and if they advantage thee in one part, they do

thee harme in another; and this part may be argued thus.

— (That Prince who stands more in fear of his own people than

. of strangers, ought to build Fortresses : but he that is more

—.\afraid of strangers than of his people, should let them alone.
Against the house of Sforza, the Castle of Milan, which
Francis Sforza built, hath and will make more war, than
any other disorder in that State : and therefore the best
Citadel that may be, is not to incurre the peoples hatred ;
for however thou boldest a Fortress, and the people hate
thee, thou canst hardly scape them ; for people, when once
they have taken armes, never want the help of strangers at
their need to take ther parts. In our dayes we never saw
that they ever profited any Prince, unless it were the
Countess of Furli, when Count Hieronymo of Furli her
husband was slain ; for by means thereof she escaped the
peoples rage, and attended aid from Milan, and so recovered
her State : and then such were the times that the stranger
could not assist the people : but afterwards they served her
to little purpose, when Caesar Borgia assaild her, and that
338

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

the people which was her enemy, sided with the stranger. CHAP. XX
Therefore both then, and at first, it would have been more Whether the
-for her safety, not to have been odious to the people, than Citadel*, etc.,
-to have held the Fortresses. These things being well weigh'd arp profitable
then, I will commend those that shall build up Fortresses, °Jj™
and him also that shall not ; and I will blame him, how
soever he be, that reiving upon those, shall make
small account of being hated by his people.

CHAP. XXI

How a Prince ought to behave himself to gain
reputation.

HERE is nothing gains a Prince such repute
as great exploits, and rare trvals of him--
selfin Heroick actions. We nave now in
our dayes Ferdinand King of Arragon the
present King of Spain : he in a manner
may be termed a new Prince; for from a
very weak King, he is now become for
fame and glory, the first King of Cliristen-
doine. and if you shall wel consider his actions, you shall
find them all illustrious, and every one of them extraordi
nary. He in the beginning of his reign assaild Granada,
and that exploit was the ground of his State. At first he
made that war in security, and without suspicion he should
be any waies hindred, and therein held the Barons of
Castiglias minds busied, who thinking upon that war, never
minded any innovation; in this while he gaind credit and
authority with them, they not being aware of it; was able
to maintain with the Church and the peoples money all his
soldiers, and to lay a foundation for his military ordinances
with that long war, which afterwards gaind him exceeding
much honor. Besides this, to the end he might be able
hereamong to undertake greater matters, serving himself
al waies of the colour of religion, he gave himself to a kind of

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XXr-religious cruelty, chasing and dispoyling those Jewes out of
How a PrinceHhe Kingdome ; nor can this example be more admirable and
ought to be — rare : under the same cloke he invaded A.ffrick and went
have himself through with his exploit in Italy : and last of all hath he
U assaild France, and so alwaies proceeded on forwards con
triving of great matters, which alwaies have held his
subjects minds in peace and admiration, and busied in
attending the event, what it should be : and these his actions
""have thus grown, one upon another, that they have never
--given leisure to men so to rest, as they might ever plot any
thing against them. Moreover it much avails a Prince to
give extraordinary proofes of himself touching the govern
ment within, such as those we have heard of Bernard of
iMilan, whensoever occasion is given by any one, that may
^ffectuate some great thing either of good or evil, in the
ivil government ; and to find out some way either to reward
>r punish it, whereof in the world much notice may be taken.
Vnd above all things a Prince ought to endeavor in all his
.ctions to spread abroad a fame of his magnificence and
worthiness. A Prince also is well esteemed, when he is a
—true friend, or a true enemy ; wjien without any regard he
discovers himself in favor of one against another; which
— course shall be alwaies more profit, than to stand neuter :
for if two mighty ones that are thy neighbors, come to fall
out, or are of such quality, that one of them vanquishing, thou
art like to be in fear of the vanquisher, or not ; in either of
these two cases, ijt will ever prove more for thy profit, to
discover thy self, and make a good war of it : for in the first
case, if thou discoverest not thy selfe, thou shalt alwaies be
a prey to him that overcomes, to the contentment and
satisfaction of the vanquisht ; neither shalt thou have reason
on thy side, nor any thing else to defend or receive thee.
^^JFor he that overcomes, will not have any suspected friends

that give him no assistance in his necessity : and he that

—loses, receives thee not, because thou wouldest not with thy
armes in hand run the hazzard of his fortune. Antiochus
passed into Greece, thereunto induced by the Etolians, to
chace the Romans thence : and sent his Ambassadors to the
340

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

Achayans, who were the Romans friends, to pcrswadc them CHAP. XXI
to stand neuters ; on the other side the Romans moved them How » Prince
to ioyne armes with theirs: this matter came to he de
liberated on in the council of the Achayans, where Antiochus £^1™™
his Ambassador encouraged them to stand neuters, wh •- Ultjon
unto the Romans Ambassador answerd ; Touching the
course that is commended to you, as best and profitablest
for your State, to wit, not to intermeddle in the war between
^ us, nothing can be more against you : because, not
-^either part, you shall remain without thanks, and without
Deputation a prey to the conqueror. AiuUt^iiL 4»*ic»
CIi1e_tg_pflSi_UiatjLe whttiaJlQU^^d^ requite thy _
SSi^noTie thatTti^fencT, w,ll urge thee to
di^^'Pthy^TfTftaFing arms forliim: and evTTadvis,
PnTicFs'To avojxT We-present dan^ers^fotow often times
that" way of neutrality, and most commonly go to i
-•bit when a Frihce g^acOSiaOtrSgxil? fa;'or of

imrtv ' if l^^ZwhomJhoiLjdeaxeat, overcomes ; however
IgStTTBrpm^; and thoureniainest at his disposing h«
,- ir7)TOg-(n^e, -STJtHSe is a contract of friendship mad, :
a^T men are never so openly dishonest, as wlth sue -i a
-notorious example of dishonesty to oppress thee. csidei
victories are never so prosperous that the cone uKTor » , iU
nTg^cTairrespects^ai^ especially of justice Bu if h
^vlfom thou sticlcst, loses, thou art received by him ;
Awhile he is able, he aydes thee, and so thou becomest pai tm-
of a fortune that may arise again ; thesecond ™*£*™ >
that enter into the lists together, are of such « | u , t hat
thou needest not fear him that vanquisheth, so muc
nte "H discretion in thee to stick to him ; ftj thou goes «
ruine one with his assistance, who ought to *°*™™£m
could to save him, if he were well advised; and he c »
co ming is left at thy discretion ; and it is impossible hut
with tlw avd he must overcome. And here it » to be noted

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XXI— much as they are able, to stand at anothers discretion. The
How a Prince Venetians took part with France against the Duke of Milan,
ought to be- and yet could have avoided that partaking, from which pro-

to fltam^ ceeded their ruine< But when !t cannot be av°y~ded> as ifc
tation. kefel the Florentines when the Pope and the King of Spain

went both with their armies to Lombardy, there the Prince

ought to side with them for the reasons aforesaid. Nor let

any State think they are able to make such sure parties, but

rather that they are all doubtfull ; for in the order of things

we find it alwaies, that whensoever a man seeks to avoid one

inconvenient, he incurs another. But the principal point of

judgement, is in discerning between the qualities of incon-

venients, and not taking the bad for the good. Moreover a

-^jprince ought to shew himself a lover of vertue, and that he

— jjhonors those that excel in every Art. Afterwards ought

Tie encourage his Citizens, whereby they may be enabled

— quickly to exercise their faculties as well in merchandise,

- and husbandry, as in any other kind of traffick, to the end

— that no man forbear to adorne and cultivate his possessions

—for fear that he be despoyled of them ; or any other to open

the commerce upon the danger of heavy impositions : but

—-rather to provide rewards for those that shall set these

matters afoot, or for any one else that shall any way amplifie

his City or State. Besides he ought in the fit times of the

year entertain the people with Feasts and Maskes ; and

because every City is devided into Companies, and arts, and

— Tribes, he ought to take special notice of those bodies, and

some times afford them a meeting, and give them some

— proof of his humanity, and magnificence ; yet withall

— holding firme the majestie of his State ; for this

must never fail in any case.

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

CHAP. XXII

Touching Princes Secretaries.

T is no small importance to a Prince, the
choyce he makes, of servants being ordi
narily good or bad, as his wisdome is.
And the first conjecture one gives of a-
great man, and of his understanding, is,
upon the sight of his followers and ser- -
vants he hath about him, when they
prove able and faithful, and then may he
alwaies be reputed wise because he hath known how to
discern those that are able, and to keep them true to him. -
But when they are otherwise, there can be no good conjec
ture made of him ; for the first error he commits, is in this
choyce. There was no man that had any knowledge of
Antony of Vanafro, the servant of Pandulfus Petrucci Prince
of Siena, who did not esteem Pandulfus for a very discreet
man, having him for his servant. And because there are
three kinds of understandings ; the one that is advised by
itself; the other that understands when it is informed by~
another; the third that neither is advised by it self nor by-
the demonstration of another ; the first is best, the second
is good, and the last quite unprofitable. Therefore it was
of necessity, that if Pandulfus attaind not the first degree,
yet he got to the second; for whenever any one hath the
judgement to discerne between the good and the evil, that
any one does and saves, however that he hath not his
invention from himself, yet still comes lie to take notice of
the good or evil actions of that servant ; and those lie
cherishes, and these he suppresses; insomuch that the
servant finding no means to deceive his master, keeps him
self upright and honest. But how a Prince may throughly
understand his servant, here is the way that never fails. When
—thon seest the servant study more for his own advantage
than thine, and that in all" his actions, he searches most

349

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XXH-after his own profit ; this man thus qualified, shall never

Touching — prove good servant, nor canst thou ever relie upon him : for

Princes he that holds the Sterne of the State in hand, ought never

Secretaries. call home his cares to his own particular, but give himself

wholly over to his Princes service, nor ever put him in

minde of any thing not appertaining to him. And on the

other side the Prince to keep him good to him, ought to

take a care for his servant, honoring him, enriching, and

obliging him to him, giving him part both of dignities and

offices, to the end that the many honors and much wealth

— bestowed on him, may restrain his desires from other

honors, and other wealth, and that those many charges

cause him to fear changes that may fall, knowing he is

not able to stand without his master. And when both

the Princes and the servants are thus disposed, they

may rely the one upon the other: when otherwise,

the end will ever prove hurtfull for the one

as well as for the other.

CHAP. XXIII

That Flatterers are to be avoyded.

WILL not omit one principle of great in-
portance, being an errour from which
Princes with much difficulty defend them
selves, unlesse they be very discreet, and
make a very good choice ; and this is
-"concerning flatterers ; whereof all writings
are full : and that because men please
themselves so much in their own things,
and therein cozen themselves, that very hardly can they
escape this pestilence ; and desiring to escape it, there is
danger of falling into contempt ; for there is no other way
to be secure from flattery, but to let men know, that they
.displease thee not in telling thee truth : but when every one
-hath this leave, thou losest thy reverence. Therefore ought
344

NICHOLAS MACHIAVEIJ.

a wise Prince take a third course, making choycc of some CHAP.

..understanding men in his State, and give only to them a XXHI

—free liberty of speaking to him the truth ; and touching That

—those things only which he inquires of, and nothing else;

___but he ought to be inquisitive of every thing, and hear their
opinions, and then afterwards advise himself after his own
manner; and in these deliberations, and with every one of
them so carrie himself, that they all know, that the more
freely they shall speak, the better they shall be liked of:

—and besides those, not give eare to any one ; and thus pursue
the thing resolved on, and thence continue obstinate in the
resolution taken. He who does otherwise, either falls upon
flatterers, or often changes upon the varying of opinions,
from whence proceeds it that men conceive but slightly of
him. To this purpose I will alledge you a moderne example.
Peter Lucas a servant of Maximilians the present Emperor,
speaking of his Majesty, said that he never advised with any
body, nor never did any thing after his own way : which was
because he took a contrary course to what we have now
said : for the Emperor is a close man, who communicates
his secrets to none, nor takes counsel of any one ; but as
they come to be put in practise, they begin to be discovered
and known, and so contradicted by those that are near
about him ; and he as being an easy man, is quickly wrought
from them. Whence it comes that what he does to dav, he
undoes on the morrow; and that he never understands him
self what he would, nor what he purposes, and that there is
no grounding upon any of his resolutions. A Prince there-

— fore ought alwayes to take counsel], but at his owne pleasure,
and not at other mens ; or rather should take away any mans
courage to advise him of any thing, but what he askes : but
he ought well to aske at 'large, and then touching the

^things inquird of, be a patient hearer of the truth ; and
perceiving that for some respect the truth were conceald
from him, be displeased thereat. And because some men
have thought that a Prince that gaines the opinion to bee
wise, may bee held so, not by his owne naturall indowment*,
but by the good counsells'hc hath about him: without

are to be
avoyded.

THE PRINCE

CHAP. question they are deceivd ; for this is a generall rule and
XXIII ^ never failes, that a Prince who of himselfe is not wise, can
That —never be well advised, unlesse he should light upon one alone,
Flatterers wholly to direct and govern him, who himself were a very
wise man. In this case it is possible he may be well
governd : but this would last but little : for that governor
in a short time would deprive him of his State ; but a Prince
not having any parts of nature, being advised of more then
one, shall never be able to unite these counsels : of himself
shall he never know how to unite them ; and each one of
the Counsellers, probably will follow that which is most
properly his owne ; and he shall never find the meanes to
amend or discerne these things; nor can they fall out
/ otherwise, because men alwayes prove mischievous, unlesse i
upon some necessity they be forc'd to become good: we
conclude therefore, that counsells from whencesoever they
—proceed, must needs take their beginning from the Princes
— wisdome, and not the wisdome of the Prince from good
counsells.

Plutarch, de
adulatore et
amico discer-
nendo.

In this Chapter our Authour prescribes some rules how to avoyd
flattery, and not to fall into contempt. The extent of these two
extreames is so large on both sides, that there is left but a very
narrow path for the right temper to walke between them both :
and happy were that Prince, who could light on so good a Pilote
as to bring him to Port between those rocks and those quicksands.
Where Majesty becomes familiar, unlesse endued with a super-
eminent vertue, it loses all awfull regards : as the light of the
Sunne, because so ordinary, because so common, we should little
value, were it not that all Creatures feele themselves quickned
by the rayes thereof. On the other side, Omnis iiifsipiens arro-
gantid etplausibus capitur, Every foole is taken with his owne pride
and others flatteryes : and this foole keeps company so much with
all great wise men, that hardly with a candle and lantern can
they be discernd betwixt. The greatest men are more subject
to grosse and palpable flatteries ; and especially the greatest of
men, who are Kings and Princes : for many seek the Rulers
favour. Prov. 28. 26. For there are divers meanes whereby
private men are instructed ; Princes have not that good hap : but
they whose instruction is of most importance, so soone as they
have taken the government upon them, no longer suffer any

346

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

CHAP.
XXIII

That

Flatterers
are to he

reproovers: for hut few have accesse unto them, and they who
farniliary converse with them, doe and say all for favour. Isocrat,
to Nicocles, All are afraid to give him occasion of displeasure,
though hy telling him truth. To this purpose therefore saves
one ; a Prince excells in learning to ride the great horse, rather
than in any other exercise, hecause his horse heing no flatterer,-— <l
will shew him he makes no difference between him and another
man, and unlesse he keepe his seate well, will lay him on the""'
ground. This is plaine dealing. Men are more suhtile, more
douhle-hearted, they have a heart and a heart neither is their
tongue their hearts true interpreter. Counsell in the heart of mail—
is like deepe waters ; hut a man of understanding will draw it out*—
Prov. 20. 5. This understanding is most requisite in a Prince,
inasmuch as the whole Glohe is in his hand, and the inferiour
Orhes are swayed hy the motion of the highest. And therefore
surely it is the honour of a King to search out such a secret :
Prov. 25. 2. His counsellours are Ins eyes and eares ; as they —
ought to he dear to him, so they ought to he true to him, and
make him the true report of things without disguise. If they
prove false eyes, let him pluck them out ; he may as they use —
glasse eyes, take them forth without paine, and see never a whit
the worse for it. The wisdome of a Princes Counsellours is a
great argument of the Princes wisdome. And heing the choyce
of them imports the Princes credit and safety, our Authour will
make him amends for his other errours by his good advice in his
22 Chap, whether I reierre him.

CHAP. XXIV

Wherefore the Princes of Italy have lost their
States.

HEN these things above said are well
observed, they make a new Prince scenic
as if he had been of old, and presently
render him more secure and firme in the
State, than if he had already grown
ancient therein : fora new Prince is much —
more observe! in his action, than a Prince—
by inheritance; and when they are known—
to bee vertuous, men are much more gaind and obliged to
them thereby, than by the antiquity of their blood : for men

'

THE PRINCE

CHAP.XXIV-are much more taken by things present, than by things past,
Wherefore and when in the present they find good, they content them-
the Princes of selves therein, and seeke no further ; or rather they undertake
Italy havel°st the defence of him to their utmost, when the Prince is not
tes' wanting in other matters to himself; and so shall he gaine
double glory to have given a beginning to a new Principality,
adornd, and strengthnd it with good lawes, good arms,
good friends, and good examples ; as he shall have double
shame, that is born a Prince, and by reason of his small
discretion hath lost it. And if we shall consider those Lords,
that in Italy have lost their States in our dayes, as the King
of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and others; first we shall
find in them a common defect, touching their armes, for the
reasons which have been above discoursd at length. After
wards we shall see some of them, that either shall have had
the people for their enemies ; or be it they had the people
to friend, could never know how to assure themselves of the
great ones : for without such defects as these, States are not
lost, which have so many nerves, that they are able to
maintaine an army in the feld. Philip of Macedon, not the
father of Alexander the Great, but he that was vanquished
by Titus Quintius, had not much State in regard of the
greatnesse of the Romanes and of Greece that assaiFd him ;
neverthelesse in that he was a warlike man and knew how
to entertaine the people, and assure himself of the Nobles,
for many yeares he made the warre good against them : and
though at last some town perhaps were taken from him, yet
the Kingdome remaind in his hands still. Wherefore these
our Princes who for many yeares had continued in their
Principalities, for having aifterwards lost them, let them not
—blame Fortune, but their own sloth; because they never
— having thought during the time of quiet, that they could
—suffer a change (which is the common fault of men, while
faire weather lasts, not to provide for the tempest) when
afterwards mischiefes came upon them, thought rather
upon flying from them, than upon their defence, and hop'd
that the people, weary of the vanquishers insolence, would
recall them : which course when the others faile, is good :
348

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

but very ill is it to leave the other remedies for that: for CHAP. XXIV
a man wou'd never go to fall, beleeving another would Wherefore
come to take him up: which may either not come to the Prince* of
passe, or if it does, it is not for thy security, because Italy have lo«t
that defence of his is vile, and depends not up'on thee ; their SLat**-
but those defences only are good, certaine, and —
durable, which depend upon thy owne selfe, and—
thy owne vertues.

CHAP. XXV

How great power Fortune hath in humane
affaires, and what meanes there is to resist it.

T is not unknown unto me, how that many
have held opinion, and still hold it, that
the affaires of the world are so govenul
by fortune, and by God, that men by
their wisdome cannot amend or alter
them ; or rather that there is no remedy
for them : and hereupon they would
think that it were of no availe to
take much paines in any tiling, but leave all to be governd'
by chance. This opinion hath gain'd the more credit in'
our dayes, by reason of the great alteration of thing*,
which we have of late seen, and do every day see, beyond
all humane conjecture: upon which, I sometimes think
ing, am in some parte inclind to their opinion : nevcr-
thelcsse not to extinguish quite our owne free will, I
think it may be true, that Fortune is the mistrisse of one'
halfe of our actions; but yet that she lets us have rule
of the other half, or little lesse. And I liken ln-r to a
precipitous torrent, which when it rages, over-flows the
plaines, overthrowes the trees, and buildings, removes the
earth from one side, and laies it on another, every one fly< *
before it, evcrv one veelds to the fury thereof, as unable to

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XXV— withstand it ; and yet however it be thus, when the times
How great --—are calmer, men are able to make provision against these
power For- excesses, with banks and fences so, that afterwards when it
tune hath SWels again, it shall all passe smoothly along, within its
affaires'1116 channell, or else the violence thereof shall not prove so
licentious and hurtfull. In like manner befals it us with
^-fortune, which there shewes her power where vertue is not
— ordeind to resist her, and thither turnes she all her forces,
where she perceives that no provisions nor resistances are
made to uphold her. And if you shall consider Italy,
which is the seat of these changes, and that which hath
given them their motions, you shall see it to be a plaine
field, without any trench or bank ; which had it been fenc'd
with convenient vertue as was Germany, Spain or France ;
this inundation would never have causd these great altera
tions it hath, or else would it not have reached to us : and
this shall suffice to have said, touching the opposing of
fortune in generall. But restraining my selfe more to
^ particulars, I say that to day we see a Prince prosper and
flourish and to morrow utterly go to ruine ; not seeing that
he hath alterd any condition or quality ; which I beleeve
arises first from the causes which we have long since run over,
•*- that is because that Prince that relies wholly upon fortune,
— r-runnes as her wheele turnes. I beleeve also, that he proves the
fortunate man, whose manner of proceeding meets with the
quality of the time ; and so likewise he unfortunate from whose
course of proceeding the times differ : for we see that men,
in the things that induce them to the end, (which every one
propounds to himselfe, as glory and riches) proceed therein
diversly ; some with respects, others more bold, and rashly ;
one with violence, and the other with cunning ; the one with
patience, th'other with its contrary ; and every one by
severall wayes may attaine thereto ; we see also two very
respective and wary men, the one come to his purpose,
and th'other not ; and in like maner two equally prosper,
taking divers course ; the one being wary the other head
strong ; which proceeds from nothing else, but from the
quality of the times, which agree, or not. with their pro-
350

NICHOLAS iMACHlAVELL

- — ceedings. From hence arises that which I said, that two CHAP. XXV

- working diversly, produce the same effect : and two equaly How jrreat
— working, the one attains his end, the other not. Hereupon p<»*er Kor-
also depends the alteration of the good ; for if to one that tune 'iat''
behaves himself with warinesse and patience, times and
affaires turne so favourably, that the carriage of his businesse
prove well, he prospers ; but if the times and affaires chance,
he is ruind, because he changes not his manner of proceeding :
nor is there any man so wise, that can frame himselfe here-
— " unto ; as well because lie cannot go out of the wav, from
— that whereunto Nature inclines him : as also, for that one

— having ahvayes prosperd, walking such a way, cannot be
perswaded to leave it; and therefore the respective and wary

man, when it is fit time for him to use violence and force,
knows not how to put it in practice, whereupon he is ruind :

— but if he could change his disposition with the times and the
affaires, he should not change his fortune. Pope Julius the
second proceeded in all his actions with very great violence,
and found the times and things so conformable to that his
manner of proceeding that in all of them he had happy
successe. Consider the first exploit he did at Bolonia, even
while John Bentivolio lived : the Venetians were not well
contented therewith; the King of Spainc likewise with the
French, had treated of that enterprise; and notwith
standing al this, he stirrd up by his own rage and fiercenesse,
personally undertook that expedition : which action of his
put in suspence and stopt Spaine and the Venetians ; those
for feare, and the others for desire to recover the Kingdome
of Naples; and on the other part drew after him the King
of France; for that King seeing him already in motion,
and desiring to hold him his friend, whereby to humble tin-
Venetians, thought he could no way deny him his souldicrs,
without doing him an open injury. .Julius then effected
that with his violent and heady motion, which no other
Pope with all humane wisdome could ever have done; for
if he had expected to part from Home with his conclusions
settled, and all his affaires ordered beforehand, as any other
Pope would have done, he had never brought it to passe :

1551

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XXV For the King of France would have devised a thousand

How great excuses, and others would have put him in as many feares.

power For- j wjU let passe his other actions, for all of them were alike,

tune hath ftncj ftjj Qf ^em prov'd lucky to him ; and the brevity of his

inhumane ,.,, m i \ • /• i ±1 i i i

affaires. ^e never sufferd him to feele the contrary : for had he litt

upon such times afterwards, that it had been necessary for
him to proceed with respects, there had been his utter ruine ;
for he would never have left those waves, to which he had been
naturally inclind. I conclude then, fortune varying, and men
continuing still obstinate to their own wayes, prove happy,
while these accord together : and as they disagree, prove un-
— - happy : and I think it true, that it is better to be heady than
— wary ; because Fortune is a mistresse ; and it is necessary, to
keep her in obedience to ruffle and force her : and we see,
that she suffers her self rather to be masterd by those,
than by others that proceed coldly. And therefore, as a
mistresse, shee is a friend to young men, because they are
lesse respective, more rough, and command her with more
boldnesse.

I have considered the 25 Chapter, as representing me a full
view of humane policy and cunning- : yet me thinks it cannot
satisfie a Christian in the causes of the'good an(j ba(i successe of
things. The life of man is like a game at Tables ; skill availes
much I grant, but that 's not all : play thy game well, but that
will not winne : the chance thou throwest must accord with thy
play. Examine this ; play never so surely, play never so probably,
unlesse the chance thou castest, lead thee forward to advantage,
all hazards are losses, and thy sure play leaves thee in the lurch.
The sum of this is set down in Ecclesiastes chap. 9. v. 11. The
race is not to the swift, nor the battell to the strong : neither yet
bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor
yet favour to -men of skill ; but time and chance hapeneth to them
all. Our cunning Author for all his exact rules he delivere in
his books, could not fence against the despight of Fortune, as he
complaines in his Epistle to this booke. Nor that great example
of policy, Duke Valentine, whome our Author commends to
Princes for his crafts-master, could so ruffle or force his mistresse
Fortune, that he could keep her in obedience. Man can
- — contribute no more to his actions than vertue and wisdome : but
— the successe depends upon a power above. Surely there is the

352

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

finger of *od ; or as Prov. 10. v. 33. 'The lot is owt into the ('HAP XXV

1 lap, but the whole disposing thereof is of the Ixml.' it wa«

not Josephs wisdome made all things thrive under his hand • ***•*

but because the Lord was with him ; and that which he did the ')ower *or"

Lord made it to prosper, Gen. 3S>. Surely this is a blewing tune hath

proceeding from the divine providence, which beyond humane m')umail«

capacity so cooperateth with the causes, as that their effect*

prove answerable, and sometimes (that we may know there ig

something above the ordinary causes) the success returns with

such a supereminency of worth, that it far exceeds the vprtue of

the ordinary causes.

CHAP. XXVI

An Exhortation to free Italy from the
Barbarians.

AVING then weiglfd all things above dis-
cours'd, and devising with my self, whether
at this present in Italy the time might
serve to honor a new Prince, and whether
there were matter that might minister
occasion to a wise and valorous Prince, to
introduce such a forme, that might do
honor to him, and good to the whole
generality of the people in the countrey : me thinks so
many things concurrc in favor of a new Prince, that I
know not whether there were ever any time more proper for
this purpose. And if as I said, it was necessary, desiring to
see Moses his vertue, that the children of Israel should l>e
inthrald in ./Egypt; and to have experience of the magna
nimity of Cyrus his mind, that the Persians should l>e
oppressed by the Medes; and to set forth the excellency of
Theseus, that the Athenians should he dispersed ; so at this
present now we are desirous to know the valor of an Italian-—
spirit, it were necessary Italy should lie reduc'd to the same —
termes it is now in, and were in more slavery than the
Hebrews were; more subject than the Persians, more
VV

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XXVI scatterd than the Athenians ; without head, without order,
An Exhorta- battered, pillaged, rent asunder, overrun, and had under-
tion to free gone all kind of destruction. And however even in these
Italy from the }a{.er dayes5 we have had some kind of shew of hope in some
>ns' one, whereby we might have conjectured, that he had been
ordained for the deliverance hereof, yet it prov'd afterwards,
that in the very height of all his actions he was curbM by
fortune, insomuch that this poore countrey remaining as it
were without life, attends still for him that shall heal her
wounds, give an end to all those pillagings and sackings of
Lombardy, to those robberies and taxations of the King-
dome, and of Tuscany, and heal them of their soars, now
this long time gangrened. We see how she makes her
prayers to God, that he send some one to redeem her from
these Barbarous cruelties and insolencies. We see her also
wholly ready and disposed to follow any colours, provided
there be any one take them up. Nor do we see at this
present, that she can look for other, than your Illustrious
Family, to become Cheiftain of this deliverance, which hath
now by its own vertue and Fortune been so much exalted,
and favored by God and the Church, whereof it now holds
the Principality : and this shall not be very hard for you to
do, if you shall call to mind the former actions, and lives of
those that are above named. And though those men were
very rare and admirable, yet were they men, and every one
of them began upon less occasion than this ; for neither was
their enterprize more just than this, nor more easie; nor
was God more their friend, than yours. Here is very great
justice: for that war is just, that is necessary; and those
armes are religious, when there is no hope left otherwhere,
but in them. Here is an exceeding good disposition thereto:
nor can there be, where there is a good disposition, a great
difficulty, provided that use be made of those orders, which
I propounded for aim and direction to you. Besides this,
here we see extraordinary things without example effected
by God ; the sea was opened, a cloud guided the way,
devotion poured forth the waters, and it rain'd down
Manna ; all these things have concurred in your greatness,
354

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

•the rest is left for you to do. God will not do every thing CHAP. XXVI
-himself, that he may not take from us our free will, and AM KxhorU-
-part of that glory that belongs to us. Neither is it a tion to free
marvel, if any of the aforenamed Italians have not been Itnly
able to compass that, which we may hope your illustrious
family shall : though in so many revolutions of Italy, and
so many feats of war, it may seem that the whole military
vertue therein be quite extinguish! ; for this arises from that
the ancient orders thereof were not good ; and there hath
since been none that hath known how to invent new ones.
Nothing can so much honor a man rising anew, as new laws
and new ordinances devised by him : these things when they
have a good foundation given them, and contain in them
their due greatness, gain him reverence and admiration ; and
in Italy their wants not the matter wherein to introduce
any forme. Here is great vertue in the members, were it
not wanting in the heads. Consider in the single fights
that have been, and duels, how much the Italians have
exceFd in their strength, activity and address; but when
they come to armies, they appear not, and all proceeds from
the weakness of the Chieftaines ; for they that understand
the managing of these matters, are not obeyed ; and every
one presumes to understand ; hitherto there having not been
any one so highly raised either by fortune or vertue, as that
others would submit unto him. From hence proceeds it,
that in so long time, and in so many battels fought for these
last past 20 years, when there hath been an army wholly
Italian, it alwaies hath had evil success; whereof the^ river
Tarus first was witness, afterwards Alexandria, Capua, Gcmm,
Vayla, Bolonia, Mestri. Your Illustrious family then beiu
desirous to tread the footsteps of these Worthyes who
redeemed their countreys, must above all things as the very
foundation of the who'le fabrick, be furnished with soldiers
of vour own natives : because you cannot have more faithful,
true, nor better soldiers; and though every one of them be
good, all together they will become better when they shall
find themselves entertained, commanded, and honored
their own Prince. Wherefore it i* necessary to provide for

THE PRINCE

CHAP. XXVI those armes, whereby to be able with the Italian valor to
An Exhorta- make a defence against forreiners. And however the Swisse
tion to free infantry and Spanish be accounted terrible ; yet is there

Italy from the defect in both of them, by which a third order might not
Barbarians. J i ,, ,

only oppose them, but may be confident to vanquish them :

for the Spaniards are not able to indure the Horse, and the
Swisse are to feare the foot, when they incounter with them,
as resolute in the fight as they ; whereupon it hath been
seen, and upon experience shall be certain, that the
Spaniards are not able to beare up against the French
Cavalery, and the Swisses have been routed by the Spanish
Foot. And though touching this last, there hath not been
any entire experience had, yet was there some proof thereof
given in the battel of Ravenna, when the Spanish Foot
affronted the Dutch battalions, which keep the same rank
the Swisses do, where the Spaniards with their nimbleness
of body, and the help of their targets entred in under their
Pikes, and there stood safe to offend them, the Dutch men
having no remedy : and had it not been for the Cavalery
that rusht in upon them, they had quite defeated them.
There may then (the defect of the one and other of these
two infantries being discoverd) another kind of them be
anew ordained, which may be able to make resistance against
the Horse, and not fear the Foot, which shall not be a new
sort of armes, but change of orders. And these are some of
those things which ordained a new, gain reputation and
greatness to a new Prince. Therefore this occasion should
not be let pass, to the end that Italy after so long a time
may see some one redeemer of hers appear. Nor can I
express with what dearness of affection he would be received
in all those countreys which have suffered by those forrein
scums, with what thirst of revenge, with what resolution of
fidelity, with what piety, with what tears. Would any
gates be shut again him ? Any people deny him obedience ?
Any envy oppose him ? Would not every Italian fully
consent with him? This government of the Barbarians
stinks in every ones nostrils. Let your Illustrious Family
then undertake this worthy explovt with that courage and
356

NICHOLAS MACHIAVELL

those hopes wherewith such just actions are to be attempted ; CHAP.
to the end that under your colours, this countrey may be Au Exl
enabled, and under the protection of your fortune that tum to
saving of Petrarch be verifyed.

Virtu contr al fuore

Prendera Cannc, cfia il combatter corto :

Che I'antico valore

Ne gli Italici cor non k morto.

Vertue against fury shall advance the fight,
And it i' th' combate soon shall put to flight
For th' old Roman valor is not dead,
Nor in th' Italians brests extinguished.

FINIS

EDINBURGH

T. &» A. CONSTABLE

Printers to His Majesty

1904